By Saarah Rahman Refugees flee their home country due to violence, crossing international borders for safety. However, they are met with discrimination and mistreatment, violating their human rights. This article attempts to discuss government leaders' refusal to accept refugees based on discriminatory political narratives and bias from international communities and social organisations towards refugees, specifically in European countries. The article then proposes policy recommendations to address institutional racism at global, national, and societal levels for increased migration without discrimination. The central argument of this article focuses on Europe, which has been dealing with an ‘immigration crisis’ since 2015. Nonetheless, this argument can also be extended to other parts of the world. Overall, this article claims refugees face political and social discrimination across international borders due to prejudices that stem from institutional racism, which infringes on their human rights. Discriminatory Government Narratives and Their Impact on Refugee Rights Government discourse towards refugees heightens discriminatory sentiments, which leads to human rights abuses of refugees. This is exemplified by the United Kingdom, which has plans to deport and process asylum seekers in Rwanda. The Conservative Party’s Rwadan Plan goes against article 9 of the UNICEF declaration of human rights that “no one shall be subjected to arbitrary arrest, detention or exile”. Robert Nozick argues that “the state is obliged to protect the rights of citizens and noncitizens equally”. However, the European Commission has reduced the number of refugees distributed amongst EU countries from “160,000 refugees in 2015 to 33,000 places in 2017”. The UK and EU highlight negative global attitudes against refugees seeking asylum. The reason behind dehumanising international policymaking towards refugees is government narratives highlighting prejudices against refugees. A prominent example of a racist government narrative is UKIP’s campaign during Brexit. UKIP leader Nigel Farage's social influence incited “racial fears and anxieties, also implicated ordinary Britons who were infected/affected by the propaganda”. Therefore, governments can pass bills discriminating against refugees’ human rights because of a lack of individuals protesting against government decisions. This consequently comes from the negative labels certain political parties have attached to refugees. The representation of Arabs as terrorists or extreme Muslims, mentioned by Edward Said in his work Orientalism , reinforces Western perceptions of refugees, particularly those of Arab descent who make up the majority of European refugees. By attaching labels, politicians attempt to justify policies as safeguarding our borders. This strategy is employed to gain public support, as demonstrated by UKIP. Thus, refugees face human rights abuses from governments because of racist political rhetoric within democratic institutions in international policymaking. Secondly, refugees face prejudices within the global community, which leads to experiences of hate crime and social exclusion that infringes on human rights. For example, two Muslim women were murdered at an Islamic Centre in Portugal and Swedish far-right groups are shown burning the Quran. Both examples illustrate growing prejudices towards refugees. This is because the majority of European refugees originate from Islamic Countries, with “32 per cent of refugees in Sweden coming from Middle Eastern countries” and others from Syria and Afghanistan. Religious discrimination goes against Article 18, which states individuals can “freely practice their faith in communities”. Institutional racism in the context of this article is the prejudices refugees face, leading to social exclusion. According to Klas Borell, “prejudice about a minority group may lead to hate crimes being excused or even defended”. The Restorative Justice Council report indicates that refugees face difficulties seeking justice due to “language barriers present in courts”. This provides an advantage for assailants because they are fluent in English, undermining Article 6, which states that individuals have the right to “a free and fair trial”. This results from racism present in Western society reinforced by institutionalised racism within social institutions like the education system. Barry Troyna and Jenny Williams alleged that the “British system is institutionally racist, and they denounce the predominance of European languages over Asian languages”. Refugees encounter social exclusion and are hindered by racial barriers that prevent them from achieving justice, indicating the interconnectedness of various social bodies. Thus, refugees have their human rights neglected by social institutions because of prejudice caused by institutional racism. Policy Recommendations for Combating Institutional Racism and Fostering Inclusivity The core issue my article addresses is institutional racism, creating prejudices as this negatively labels refugees, undermining their human rights. Due to Europe's extensive history of colonialism, it is challenging to eliminate institutional racism as a result. My proposed strategies come from various perspectives, including the intergovernmental, national government, and societal outlooks aimed at tackling institutional racism through regulatory measures. The EU Parliament should offer assistance programs to refugees, with oversight from international groups like the UN, to prevent any misappropriation of funds, such as constructing inhumane detention facilities for refugees. Algorithms on social media should monitor far-right groups and individuals to avoid misinformation and to minimise harm as a way of addressing racist political narratives. Furthermore, education must improve to accommodate non-European topics and ensure tolerance and acceptance through primary and secondary education. Finally, it is essential to establish offices dedicated to minorities within all intergovernmental and domestic government and social institutions. Specialised offices should guarantee that legislation does not discriminate against refugees’ fundamental rights and help to eliminate prejudices. Thus, my policies specifically target the regulation of political and social bodies to ensure biases do not interfere with policy and social decision-making. Institutional racism fosters prejudices towards refugees, which undermine their fundamental human rights. The issue of discrimination and mistreatment towards refugees is a global concern that needs immediate attention. The refusal to accept refugees based on discriminatory political narratives and bias from international communities and social organisations violates their human rights. Policymakers at all levels need to create policies that promote inclusivity. The situation in Europe highlights a need for change in attitudes but is not limited to a singular region. We must work together as a global community to create a world where everyone is welcome, regardless of their origins.

By Syed Hussain The Israel-Palestine war has profound and wide-ranging implications for the global economy that extend far beyond its immediate geographic confines. The persistent state of unrest and bloodthirsty carnage unleashed on the Gaza strip not only weighs heavily on humanitarian concerns but also on the intricate web of international economic relations. The impact of the conflict has been examined in three distinct ways: a confined conflict, a proxy war involving regional actors like Lebanon and Syria, and a direct military confrontation between Iran and Israel. Each scenario poses a threat of rising oil prices, heightened inflation, and impeded global growth, with the most severe being a direct Iran-Israel war, which could lead to substantial economic downturns worldwide. These developments occur against the backdrop of a vulnerable global economy still reeling from the effects of recent conflicts and inflationary pressures in a post covid climate. At the core of the economic dimensions tied to the conflict are the energy markets. While Israel and Palestine are not major oil producers, their central location in the geopolitically sensitive Middle East means that any escalation in tensions can have a knock-on effect on regional stability, potentially impacting oil production and transport across the broader area. This in turn can lead to fluctuations in oil prices due to speculative trading and hedging activities by businesses concerned about supply disruptions. Such price swings are especially significant given the critical role of oil in the global economy, as highlighted by historical events such as the oil crises of the 1970s and the dramatic spike in oil prices in 2008, both of which had long-standing ripple effects on the world economic stage. The stock markets, naturally averse to the uncertainties brought about by geopolitical strife, often react negatively to the signs of escalation within the conflict. Risk aversion tends to set in, prompting a sell-off in equities, particularly within sectors and companies with exposure to the region. Conversely, this climate of uncertainty can boost investments in safe-haven assets like gold which has seen a hike of 9% surging above $2000 dollars per ounce day after the Hama’s attack on Israel, other things like U.S. dollar, and government bonds, which traditionally benefit from risk-off investor sentiment have all seen a surge in investment and interest. Another significant economic aspect influenced by the conflict is the tourism and aviation industries. The conflict has spelt trouble for the Israeli economy where 4% is dependent on tourism as well as neighbouring tourism sectors in gulf states feeling the after effects of the violence next door. The historical and political unrest in the region has tarnished the industry, deterring tourists and impacting a wide array of businesses from airlines to hotels and the service economy at large. This also has a domino effect on neighbouring countries whose economies are heavily reliant on tourism. Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) in the region can also be adversely affected as potential investors often rethink channelling capital into areas marred by conflict, wary of the associated risks. Moreover, supply chain disruptions can ensue, posing a challenge to businesses that depend on goods and materials from the conflict zone, thereby increasing costs and causing delays in global trade. The humanitarian cost of the conflict necessitates considerable foreign aid and international assistance, which can reallocate resources that might otherwise be used for economic development in other regions. Furthermore, international relations and trade agreements may be reassessed based on the stance countries take regarding the conflict, potentially reshaping global trade dynamics. Israel, known as the "Start-up Nation," is a hub for technological innovation, and the persistent state of conflict can threaten to undermine international partnerships, venture capital investments, and collaborative projects in the tech sector. Lastly, currency markets may experience volatility due to the conflict, affecting the financial strategies and stability of nations closely linked to the Middle East. The World Bank has raised concerns that oil prices could potentially escalate to over $150 per barrel if the ongoing conflict in the Middle East, particularly between Israel and Hamas, intensifies, mirroring the oil shock experienced in the 1970s. Such a surge would be a response to supply cuts from significant producers like Saudi Arabia in the wake of the already unstable commodity markets due to Russia's invasion of Ukraine. Currently, there's an expectation of a downturn in commodity prices by about 4.1% in the upcoming year, with oil projected to drop to an average of $81 a barrel. However, an exacerbated Middle Eastern conflict could severely disrupt this trend, potentially shrinking global oil supply by 6 to 8 million barrels a day and hiking prices up to $157 a barrel. Political and economic analysts fear that an intensified conflict that brings Israel into direct engagement with Iran, which provides weapons and funds to Hamas, could trigger a dramatic increase in oil prices up to $150 per barrel. In such an event, Bloomberg Economics predicts that global economic growth could plunge to 1.7%, effectively slicing around $1 trillion from the global economy and potentially pushing it into a recession. Despite the market's initial lacklustre response to the conflict, with Brent crude prices recently falling to around $87 a barrel, any significant involvement by key crude producers like Iran could have broader implications, particularly if the Middle East's turmoil spills over into the global oil export markets. The region, accounting for about 30% of the world's oil supply, has a less dominant but still significant role compared to its 37% share in the 1970s, suggesting that any disruption could still have considerable global economic repercussions. With the lingering effects of the Ukraine crisis, the threat of rising commodity prices could trigger another inflationary cycle, challenging policymakers and central banks. Beyond economics, a prolonged conflict poses a serious risk to global food security. High oil prices translate into steeper costs for shipping and fertilizers, driving up food prices at a time when nearly a tenth of the global population is already struggling with undernourishment, underscoring the urgent need for stability to prevent a deepening of the global food crisis. The projected economic outlook is being hit from two sides: a 10% hike in oil prices and an increase in market risk-aversion, similar to the sentiment during the Arab Spring. These elements are anticipated to shave off 0.3 percentage points from the global growth rate for the next year, amounting to a loss of roughly $300 billion in output, which would result in the most tepid growth in three decades, except for the downturns in 2020 due to Covid and in 2009. Furthermore, climbing oil prices are likely to contribute an additional 0.2 percentage points to worldwide inflation, potentially stabilizing it near 6%. This situation forces central banks around the world to persist with tight monetary policies in the face of weakened economic expansion. As for the central banks' response, the Bank of England, along with the Federal Reserve and European Central Bank, are holding interest rates steady for now but are wary of the approaching winter. They remain vigilant due to potential further hikes in inflation, fuelled by the volatile oil market amidst the ongoing conflict and the risk of escalation. These institutions are cautiously navigating these uncertain times, aware that the energy crisis could exacerbate inflationary pressures during the colder months when energy demand typically spikes. In conclusion, the economic repercussions of the Israel-Palestine war underscore the interconnected and globalist nature of the modern global economy. The conflict's ability to affect various economic sectors—from energy to finance, technology to tourism—demonstrates the extent to which regional instability can propagate, influencing global economic health and dictating a cautious approach for businesses and governments alike. The world sits nervously watching the massacre unfold on the Gaza strip , time will tell what mounting escalations evolve and the repercussions that arise from them.

Read the full editorial here .

By Daniel Norman There are now more Special Education Needs and Disabilities — SEND — children in the British school system than ever. According to a July 2023 report from the Education Statistics Service, 17.3% of children across all key stages have been identified as having learning difficulties. Of these children, one in four is attached to an Education, Health and Care Plan (ECHP), a specialist pathway that sets more specific provisions. Since 2018, these numbers have only grown and pose a critical challenge for policymakers: how to provide a school experience for these pupils that is both safe and enriching. However, the government has failed to plug gaps in SEND funding and expand support for schools that need it. This has allowed grave issues to reach a critical mass that, without focusing on both short-term mitigation and long-term reform, could damage the already tough prospects of hundreds of thousands of children. Underfunding and Resource Challenges in Supporting SEND Students Currently, there is a monumental funding deficit across the country to support SEND students. A 2022 analysis by the County Councils Network and the Society of County Treasurers estimated that the existing £2.4b ‘funding gap’ would increase to £3.6b by the 24/25 academic year. This crippling deficit means that funds are used only to balance the books and prevent a debt spiral that would weaken the financial integrity of schools rather than to improve the experiences of SEND students. This reduces schools’ staffing access, leaving them unable to deliver on particular needs. Across mainstream education, there is a severe lack of specialist teaching assistants trained to work with high-needs pupils, meaning that support is often not explicitly targeted. This is exacerbated by a lack of funding for SEND training courses for existing teachers and support staff due to expensive up-front costs and salaries to hire replacements. Compounding this issue are the long waiting lists mainstream schools face to access support consultants such as speech therapists and educational psychologists. The impacts of this bottleneck are threefold. Many pupils cannot attain diagnoses, preventing them from accessing an ECHP. This drives parents into the private sector for care, which, according to a 2023 SchoolsWeek investigation , may cost up to £140 per hour of consultation and be less cohesive with school structures. Finally, the high costs may prevent families from effectively supporting their SEND children at home. Schools are thus faced with low funding, high costs, and an increasing number of SEND pupils. Fewer resources must be made to go further. This challenge is rarely made easier by children joining special schools due to years-long waiting lists. Many of these issues can be traced back to previous failures in government policy, mainly the austerity measures first instituted by the Cameron Ministry in 2010. According to the Institute of Fiscal Studies’ 2022 report , education funding per pupil fell by 9% in real terms from 2009/2010 to 2019/2020. Wages have similarly declined, with some teachers experiencing up to a 14% cut in real terms . This has led to chronic staff shortages. Due to the specialist staff needed, SEND pupils have been hit particularly hard. According to a J une 2023 Department of Education report , school consultant authorities are experiencing significant recruitment and retention issues, leading to a critical lack of educational psychologists. This restricts access to diagnoses and support for SEND children, parents, and teachers. Attempts at reform began in March 2023 with the publication of the SEND and Alternate Provisions Improvement Plan . This brief outlined plans to amend the 2014 Children and Families Act and create a financial Safety Valve, a program to reduce council deficits and disperse targeted SEND spending to schools in need. However, these measures are only accessible by fifty-five councils and continue to be used to pay down debts rather than support schools. Despite committing to building new dedicated SEND schools, there is substantial evidence to suggest this will be an ineffective policy. Alongside the already existing shortage of support staff, there are more than double the vacancies for special needs teachers and teaching assistants compared to their mainstream counterparts. What is the point of building new schools if the existing ones are understaffed and underfunded? On balance, the current government SEND policy has failed to ameliorate immediate concerns and mitigate the longer-term consequence of underinvestment. However, volunteer charity organisations go some way to providing schools with the needed access and resources. ADD-Vance, for example, offers consultation and teacher training that is desperately needed. Ensuring Access and Building Skills Policy solutions must take both a short and long-term view to improve services for SEND children. The construction of specialist schools, while desperately needed, will not improve access to targeted help quickly enough. In the short term, there must be an emphasis on reforms to improve recruitment, retention, and training, especially for teaching assistants, One such policy solution is the introduction of special school access programs. Weekly support sessions for parents and children can build on existing infrastructure for children’s centres and be easily organised by the school district. This would provide critical access to educational psychologists and speech therapists for children while carers seek guidance from SEND professionals. It is also vital that pitfalls in staff shortage and training are overcome. To encourage SEND teacher training, government funding could be earmarked for courses transitioning teaching assistants to fully qualified teachers, each costing around £4,000/yr. This could be supplemented by increasing the hours spent on SEND learning for mainstream teacher training and mandating a SEND placement during the first year of teaching. In mainstream schools, whole-school INSET days could be highly effective for imparting basic training to the entire faculty, allowing them to better support the special needs children in their classes. However, these plans do not solve the deeper issue of stagnant special school places coupled with a rising number of SEND students. The government must act quickly and efficiently to build, expand, and staff schools before the system reaches a breaking point.

By Pawel Plonka Thirty years ago, world militaries would not have imagined the significance of the digital in modern-day warfare. Military affairs in relation to capabilities have experienced revolutionary changes since the Gulf War, especially concerning the development of precision-guided munitions. Yet, as the 1990s were a watershed in the redefinition of military strategy, the 2020s seem to carry a similar weight. Recent years refreshed the memories of actors around the globe that war does not take place only on land, at sea, or in the air — it also occurs in the cybersphere. In 2023, the Canadian Defence Minister remarked: ‘Putin’s war on Ukraine has reminded all of us that the cyber domain is crucial to our national security’. The interesting cases to look into are two powers threatened by Moscow and Beijing respectively - Poland and Japan. While they do not share much in common, these states can learn a lot from each other’s experience of enhancing cyber capabilities.     Already in 2016, Professor Christopher W. Hughes of Warwick University and Paul Kallender of Keio University wrote:     Japan has been overlooked as a ‘cyber power’ but it is now becoming a serious player in this new strategic domain. Japanese policy-makers have forged a consensus to move cybersecurity to the very core of national security policy, to create more centralised frameworks for cybersecurity, and for Japan’s military institutions to build dynamic cyberdefense capabilities.    In hindsight, they could not be more right. The Japanese drive for increased cyber-capabilities has continued for years now. Between 2018 and 2019, the spending on cyber-defence doubled after the growth in the personnel of the Japan Self-Defense Forces’ (JSDF) Cyber Defence Group.   War in Ukraine and an increasingly unfriendly environment in East Asia gave these directions a new impetus manifested by the three security documents published in 2022 (the National Security Strategy, the National Defence Strategy, and the Defence Buildup Program). These documents were created within the spirit of a ‘proactive contribution to peace’, enabling stepped-up investment in power projection capabilities. They set out a goal to double the state's national defence budget by 2027, rendering it the third largest one in the world. ‘An active cyber defence’ posture was adopted by Tokyo. The measures comprise necessary mandates enabling the government to access and neutralise an attacker's servers preemptively. Moreover, the military will reinforce cybersecurity throughout the country to protect critical civilian and informational infrastructure. These ambitions accompany the further growth of the personnel in cyber-related units to 4,000 by 2027, quadrupling its present size. Cyber workforce associated with the Ministry of Defence would also expand, reaching 20,000.   Japanese regional rivals’ cyber-related staffs encompass an estimated 175,000 and 7,000 in China and North Korea, respectively. These countries have violated the Japanese cybersphere the most in recent years. China is believed to have directed cyberattacks at 200 Japanese organisations ,  while North Korea continuously performs malicious and illicit cyber-activities to finance its nuclear weapons programme. Overall, in the first half of 2022, Japan experienced 114 ransomware attacks, marking an 87% surge compared to the preceding year.  These dynamics reflects both shifts in global security challenges and a major paradigm shift in the regional security outlook of the Indo-Pacific.   Cooperation also emerged as a core point in its refined cybersecurity strategy. Firstly, Japan intends to deepen and solidify its strategic relationship with the US, also in the cyber domain. Washington is of paramount importance for regional stability and Tokyo is of great significance for safeguarding American interests and recently acting as a ‘spear’ within the security alliance.  The collaboration between countries would materialise in bilateral exercises, joint intelligence as well as surveillance and reconnaissance. Such integration of capabilities and doctrines, which Professor Hughes named ‘Bilateralism Plus’, also occurs through Japan’s engagement in extended cooperative formats, which actually strengthening the US-Japan alliance. In December 2023, Japan, South Korea and the US agreed to cooperate on countering North Korean cyber incursions.   The new trilateral initiative addresses Pyongyang’s cybercrimes and cryptocurrency money laundering activities. Lastly, acknowledging an increasingly hostile cyber environment in East Asia, Japan has decided to build a cyber defence grid for the Indo-Pacific. This initiative would support the nations with weak countermeasures with funds to bolster their cyber capabilities and balance the Chinese influence in the region. This project also aligns with the broader strategy of the Free and Open Indo-Pacific — the Japanese Foreign Ministry has allocated around $75 billion towards investments in South and Southeast Asia focused on fostering regional cybersecurity and connectivity.      Similarly, the cybersecurity strategy was developed in Poland before the Russian invasion of Ukraine. However, that moment left a mark on the political awareness regarding the cyber domain. Polish Cyberspace Defence Forces were officially created in February 2022. This specialised component of the Polish Armed Forces is responsible for addressing issues concerning the cybersecurity of the Ministry of Defence, including planning, organising, and operationalizing cyberspace activities.  It will also build infrastructure and safeguard information in cyberspace. Additionally, the unit supports military operations and coordinates cyber-related pursuits with other defence institutions. Although the official number of ‘cyber warriors’ remains undisclosed, Lieutenant Col Przemysław Lipczyński of the Component’s Command says there are approximately 6,500 positions for soldiers and employees of the Ministry of National Defense. Moreover, Lt Col Lipczyński reports the units will be fully operational by 2024. Significantly, Poland emphasises the significance of the partnerships between its cyber defence components and the private sector. The military looks forward to collaborating with businesses specialising in artificial intelligence, cybersecurity, quantum technologies, and the improvement of information systems’ security and communication. Such partnerships increase national research and development with regard to cybersecurity. Warsaw’s efforts to enhance the state's cyber capabilities, improve the personnel’s competencies and become a regional security leader have been recognized globally.  In 2023, MIT published an annual Cyber Defence Index ranking states’ collective cybersecurity assets. Poland secured 6th place in the world, after Australia, the Netherlands, South Korea, the US and Canada. Similarly to Japan, the experienced paradigm shift was a result of intensified cyberattacks performed by groups organised by Moscow. Poland’s proximity to Ukraine and its regional significance as a major logistical hub play a crucial role in the context of a war happening beyond its borders.  From February 2022, Russian Advanced Persistent Threat (APT) actors’, i.e. state or state-sponsored criminal groups gaining unauthorised access to computer networks, violations increased fivefold.  Together with American units, Polish cyber warriors were already training and carrying out operations against these groups.   In terms of international cooperation, Polish Forces partnered with NATO to establish round-the-clock points of contact for cybersecurity coordination and threat analysis. They also outlined a framework for NATO's response to major cyberattacks on Poland and initiated collaboration with the NATO Cooperative Cyber Defence Centre of Excellence. Additionally, bilateral cooperation with the United States was developed to synchronise military efforts in cybersecurity and capability enhancement in cyberspace. Similar agreements were made with Lithuania and other nations, including a significant partnership with Ukraine to deepen understanding of Russian cyber operations.     Every regional security outlook has its own particularities, yet it should not stop partners from drawing lessons. Japanese and Polish experiences during the past years can enrich each other’s understanding of ways to increase and enhance cyber capabilities, to create a better defence against operations of malicious actors as well as act both preemptively and effectively. A deeper military cooperation is one way, another is an adjusted and augmented cooperation between the governments to increase the citizens’ awareness of cybersecurity. Existing collaborative institutions such as the Polish-Japanese Academy of Information Technology in Cracow could serve these functions well. Poland appears to strengthen its ties with like-minded states from the Indo-Pacific region exemplified, e.g. by an intensive cooperation between Warsaw and Seoul in terms of arms procurement in 2023. Tokyo, entangled in an unfriendly setting with Beijing’s and Pyongyang’s sabres ready to be pulled out, can also learn a lot from Eastern Europe.

By Oriane Nagberi   La Laicité is an educational policy that exists in France as a secular policy, intercepting every part of French public life. From hospitals to government buildings to schools - the French policy outlines that any form of religious behaviour within the public sector is forbidden. But has it had a disproportionately negative impact on the Islamic population of France, removing their right to practice their religion?    Secular activity has been part of the French constitution since 1789. The constitution of the Fifth Republic from the 4th of October 1958 claims for “the organization of public education free and secular at all levels” as “the duty of the State.”. La Laicité believes that by removing religion from state activities, societal equity can be achieved, manifesting the French value of “Egalité” as everyone will be viewed as equals - no matter their religion.     However, as immigration to France increases, a particular group has started to become more evidently disproportionately impacted by secular policies which impact public education -  Muslim Women. As a policy, La Laicité has led to disruptions towards Muslim women’s education as France has banned the wearing of the hijab and head covering within their schools. In some cases, this has led to the suspension or even expulsion of Muslim girls who come to class wearing their religious garments, and they are forced to choose between their religion or their education.    This article will analyse the primary arguments in favour and against the policy of La Laicité.     French policymakers often make the argument that due to the increasing diversity of the state, La Laicité could not have been better timed. In order to demonstrate this, they refer back to a world where the policy didn’t exist and to a time when the Catholic church tried and succeeded in intimidating politicians and influencing public policy. This argument demonstrates how the original influence of the church over policy can ruin democracy and in turn, deauthorise the state. French politicians argue that via La Laicité they can make sure decisions are fully democratic and remain uninfluenced by the political stance of religion. Furthermore, they see this as the best way to advance equality as the state remains unchanged by the predominantly Catholic views of France, making it a better place for those who practice a plethora of other beliefs.    However, we bring this argument back to education - and ask the question, “ If a Muslim girl wears a Hijab to school as her personal choice how will it impact educational policy-making?”. It appears to be ridiculous to believe that the presence of the Hijab or any other form of religious wear within the classroom can change how educational policy is informed. If pupils in a classroom are under the voting age in France and have no power to make or fight against any policies - how can we say they will in turn, create a bias within French policy with what they wear? Instead, this indicates that issues lie with the institutional power of religion, not its daily practice.    The second argument presented in favour of La Laicité is the stance that French policymakers must remain true to the cultural standards of France, which a century-old constitution has set. This is an argument that often relates to the assimilation or integration debate of immigration. And leaves us with the question of whether policy should adapt itself to change or remain stagnant in order to adhere to its traditional values.     A counter view to this claim agrees that the policy is old, but most notably, dated, and only functions well in a society in which there is one religion; this will allow for the policy to tailor itself better to the necessary measures of separating the state from religion - instead of going overboard with the policy by excluding parts of religions which are more essential to its practice. Here we note the difference between the wearing of a hijab for Muslim women and the display of a cross around a Catholic woman’s neck. The wearing of the Hijab for Muslim women is more essential to the religion of Islam than the adornment of a cross for a Catholic woman - as this is something which has been described and discussed within Islamic scripture.  Hence, while the policy of La Laicité may have functioned well in 20th-century France, globalisation means society has become much more complex. Contemporary French society has become much more ethnically and religiously diverse - and it is difficult not to notice that these regulations have failed to take this into account. Thus, we can deduce that La Laicité has the possibility of disproportionately impacting Muslim women and girls and thus, the policy might require restructuring so that its impact may remain equal.    Thus this article argues that it is possible to maintain secularity by not looking to suppress religious expression - as the two may be mutually exclusive. This can be done by adapting policy to the ever-changing populations of France and removing the more trivial elements of secularity, such as the ban on religious wear in schools - as this does not impact policy-making. This will also eliminate the stress of Muslim girls having to choose between their religion or their education - which will better achieve equality as all girls receive the privilege of having to make sacrifices to their identity in order to enter the public areas of the state. We highlight that La Laicité is a policy which has failed to adjust itself to the fact that there has been a significant increase in the Muslim population in France in the last few years who are disproportionately affected by this policy. It is possible to maintain secularity by not looking to suppress religious expression - as the two may be mutually exclusive.

By Stathis Poulantzas This article attempts to critically assess the 2023 COP28 Summit in Dubai, over a month after its conclusion, by exploring its pivotal decisions and analysing their implications for global climate policy, while also highlighting its failures for agreements in key topics. Focusing on key topics discussed like fossil fuel elimination, nuclear energy or other renewable energy sources, and climate finance, it evaluates the summit's effectiveness in addressing urgent environmental concerns and setting a progressive path forward for climate change. The article aims to present an in-depth analysis of the political, economic, and environmental stakes involved, the roles of key nations, as well as the summit's potential long-term impacts on global climate goals.  To commence, the debate stealing the show in Dubai surrounded the present and future of fossil fuels. Burning fossil fuels, the main cause of carbon build-up in the atmosphere, disrupts the natural carbon cycle and drives anthropogenic climate change, pushing the world towards a critical 1.5°C warming threshold, a situation widely acknowledged as needing urgent action. The main question on the topic is centred around whether we should “phase-out”, or “transition away” from fossil burning, with the latter eventually being   agreed  upon. Nevertheless, such a decision can be seen as a step back from the initial discussions of gradually eliminating this energy form, where no particular timeline was agreed. Another crucial concern about this decision is the reference to the role that transitional fuels, and especially natural gas, can have in the energy   transition . On the bright side, countries have not agreed to transition away from burning fuels in almost 30 years, so this climate summit can be viewed as a diplomatic success on this   topic .  Another upside was the agreement of the delegations to phase out inefficient state subsidies for fossil fuels as soon as possible, with exceptions for cases addressing energy poverty or facilitating a fair   transition . Nonetheless, given that major economies like the USA, UK, and other developed countries such as Norway continue to fund fossil fuel extractions, indicate that a significant journey lies ahead to eliminate these   subsidies .  Moreover, COP28 delegates from over 100 countries agreed to aim towards triple renewable energy capacity and double energy efficiency by 2030, a move expected to drastically cut carbon emissions and provide more widespread access to clean energy. Renewables nowadays are becoming ever more viable due to reduced costs, enhanced battery storage, and regulatory incentives. Thus, a push for their increased energy share is essential for the world to achieve a 43% emissions reduction by 2030, in order to stay below a 1.5°C temperature   rise  (right now at 1.1°C since 1980, according to   Nasa ). However, without addressing the injustices from unequal energy development, these improvements might continue existing inequities. Also, key players such as China, Russia, and India did not support this initiative, a significant obstacle to a worldwide climate agreement between all major actors.  It is worth noting that special focus was granted to nuclear energy, a very important form of nuclear energy, especially endorsed by France and Japan, which nevertheless also bears numerous risks. The nuclear energy lobby during the summit worked hard to promote this energy form, especially small modular reactors. They pointed out that it can provide “ realistic pathways to providing the clean energy that countries need to meet this goal (of reaching net zero emissions by 2050)” . However, it is vital to highlight that the construction of a nuclear power plant requires, on average, 15 to 20 years. If the dangers of nuclear reactors are additionally taken into consideration, it is arguably better to focus on safer and more short-term   solutions .  What’s more, most developing nations will severely struggle to significantly increase their share of renewable energy, as well as reduce their fossil fuel dependence, given the rising interest rates worldwide and their rising debt to GDP ratio. Especially taking into consideration that over 70 states are currently facing “debt distress” according to the IMF, it is clear that the global financial system and, crucially, the richest actors with large emissions, should restructure the debt of developing countries and provide large funds in order to facilitate their climate-focused   investments .  Recognizing these financial challenges, developed countries causing high emissions committed in the UAE to a climate loss and damage fund, first proposed in COP27 in Egypt last year, marking a crucial step towards addressing these disparities. Such a fund aims to assist vulnerable and developing nations most affected by climate change, helping them adapt and build resilience against natural disasters, sea-level rise, and biodiversity loss. Despite criticisms over the fund's logistics, including its funding and management, it is seen as a vital initial measure to direct aid to the most vulnerable communities. Although this action seems to be heading in the right direction, in reality, it nevertheless lacks substance; all developed countries participating have pledged a combined $700m, which does not even remotely come near the $400bn yearly attributed to climate change. In fact, it has been estimated that the fund will cover around 0.2% of the yearly needs of developing nations. In parallel, the two largest global emitters, the US and China, have only promised $17.5m and $10m respectively, to the fund, far fewer than the approximately $100m that the UAE, Germany, Italy and France have   pledged .  To note some more general points about COP28, countries also decided to accelerate the reduction of non-CO2 emissions and placed a special focus on cutting methane emissions globally by 2030 by around   25% . Delegates from over 150 states additionally endorsed a declaration for sustainable agriculture, resilient food systems, and climate action, while the FAO announced a plan to combat hunger, and a fund of around $2.5b was pledged for the protection of large forests. Finally, it is noteworthy that the EU was a valuable partner in negotiations, with its widely-known ambitious goals (55% greenhouse gas reduction by 2030, 90% by 2040, and climate neutrality by 2050), comprehensive policies across various sectors, and its support towards the gradual elimination of fossil fuels being all essential driving components in Dubai. All in all, pressure was mounting for countries in the COP28 to adopt a new climate agreement amid growing gaps in the goals set by the 2015 Paris Agreement. While the summit was overall an important step forward, particularly due to the diplomatic breakthrough on the issue of transitioning away from fossil fuels, and the commitment to triple renewable energy, it also demonstrated the considerable distance that is yet to be travelled. At this critical point for global climate health, major emitters must make courageous environmental decisions. Without their leadership, we risk exceeding the crucial 1.5°C warming limit and jeopardizing an equitable transition for all nations. One can therefore understand that the stakes for the next climate summit, COP29, to be hosted by Azerbaijan, are immensely high.

By Zaira Imran   Since the pandemic, the innovation of AI technology and its integration into several industries and sectors has been rapid. Most notably, late 2022 saw the launch of ChatGPT, the landmark generative AI tool. Generative AI is especially transformative as it can answer questions, perform written tasks and respond to prompts while also being able to produce audio, images, text and video, making it particularly relevant for the education sector.     The education sector was forced to embrace  digitalisation as online learning became the norm during lockdowns; however, by now, classes have resumed similarly to pre-pandemic ways. This resistance to digitisation implies that it should not be taken for granted that AI will truly last in education spaces, let alone transform them. Nevertheless, the Department for Education actively supports the use of AI in schools. Many believe the pace of AI integration in industry necessitates its development in the education sector to keep the sector’s efficiency aligned with the world economy.     This begs the question: how can policymakers take advantage of the benefits of AI in enhancing education without causing detriment to the learning experience of students?     The Assumption of Necessity      As the AI industry embeds itself within the economy more succinctly and at a rapid pace, it has become clear to many that AI is here to stay and will keep changing the way we work and communicate . Furthermore, as the world economy embraces AI technology, it is expected that all sectors, including education, must adapt to these changes, too. To further this point, the UK education sector currently struggles significantly from underfunding and teacher burnout. Hence, it could benefit from the supply-side tools that AI offers. These factors combined set up a situation in which education providers must adapt and embrace the potential of AI in order to stay afloat in this fast-changing high-tech world. It is equally important for students to understand how to use AI to equip them with the skills necessary for their future careers.     Yet, it is worth questioning whether this necessity is real or whether it is a speculative prophecy. After all, the education sector is much less digitally integrated than the average company and British educators are not well trained in digital learning tools . There may also be concerns that this perceived necessity could blind policymakers and education providers into pursuing a wholesale AI revolution in the education sector whilst having little awareness of what AI is, how it is changing and what its integration would really mean for students’ learning experience. Within this context, perhaps the greater necessity lies in exercising caution and resistance regarding the implementation of AI as opposed to the full embrace of the technology.     Help or Harm?     The key benefits of AI in the classroom include reducing costs and teachers’ workloads while increasing efficiency and providing AI training and learning tools for students. Artificial intelligence could be used as  teaching assistants  to help teachers do administrative tasks like marking and lesson planning, they could equally be used as instructional assistants to help explain difficult concepts to students and administrative assistants for school administrators. These are some of the potential ways that AI could increase efficiency and reduce workloads. This is especially beneficial if it allows for more teacher-student interaction, as the teachers are not as distracted by their administrative tasks. An even more intriguing possibility of AI in the classroom is creating a more personalised learning experience  as AI could help meet individual learning goals by analysing student data in order to decide the best speed at which the student learns, the materials they would prefer and the order that suits them.     However, this hypothesis of the personalised learning experience immediately raises alarms around data privacy concerns and the highly individualised nature of learning this results in. A major concern is that the introduction of AI interferes with the social connections  fostered in schools. A potential consequence of personalisation in the classroom is that students lack motivation to interact with each other as any help they require, they can get from their AI assistant. Similarly, it reduces the need for the student to ask the teacher for help which may be even more troublesome. As schools do not just function as spaces to acquire skills for careers but also spaces to grow and learn as people, the threat to social connection and collective learning that AI potentially poses is rather worrying. Furthermore, student skills cultivation may also be threatened by a personalised assistant AI as it provides many shortcuts for students in which they do not have to think critically or solve problems for themselves, resulting in dependence on technology. Therefore, it would be essential to foster students’ critical thinking abilities in how they are using AI, allowing them to develop their own considerations of its strengths and weaknesses.     The Question of Implementation       Besides the risk AI poses to student skills and socialisation, it also presents a large challenge to policymakers as AI grows and changes quicker than policymakers can comprehend it, let alone implement its integration and regulation. Teachers are also ‘bewildered’  at the pace of change. They cite concern for potential cheating, children’s mental health and the security of the teaching profession due to a lack of trust in the government’s ability to regulate the risks. Nevertheless, it is important for educational spaces to mirror the environments children will face when they grow, and AI can significantly benefit overstretched teachers. Therefore, a cautious, human-centred  approach  to integrating AI in schools is best, and this would likely involve AI acting as an administrative help as opposed to making choices and giving advice. The true benefit of AI in the classroom would be if it could help maximise teacher-student contact time and reduce teachers' burdens. Yet, it would still require regulation in the case of cheating and student use. AI integration in schools should be resistant rather than wholly ‘revolutionising.’     Sources:  AI can transform education for the better    Artificial intelligence in education | UNESCO    School Leaders Warn AI Is A ‘Real And Present’ Danger To Education    AI in Education    Artificial intelligence in schools – everything you need to know - The Education Hub    Generative artificial intelligence (AI) in education - GOV.UK    How AI Is Personalizing Education For Every Student

By Tauseef Parkar The destruction of the Library of Alexandria centuries ago serves as a lesson on the fragility of human knowledge and culture. This ancient library was a beacon of learning, housing invaluable texts from worldwide. Its loss meant that countless works of science, philosophy, and history were lost to the flames, a devastating blow to our intellectual achievements. The tragedy of Alexandria is not just about the burned books but about the pieces of human history and wisdom that were erased forever. Fast forward to today, and we face a similar threat, not from fire but from the potential loss of our digital data. Our lives are now digitally documented, from family photos and personal messages to critical research and cultural expression. Yet, this digital existence is vulnerable. Technical mishaps, obsolescence or cyber-attacks can lead to losing precious digital memories and knowledge. In an era where digital technology has become intertwined with cultural expression, the preservation of our digital heritage is emerging as a crucial challenge. As more artistic, intellectual and cultural content moves online, questions about its longevity and accessibility have gained prominence. In the digital realm, where our knowledge, memories, and artistic expressions find their home, the question arises: what does it truly cost to ensure these are passed on to future generations? Imagine a world where our most personal stories, treasured memories, and shared experiences are at risk of disappearing into the digital void. This is our current reality, where the potential loss of our digital data is not just a technical issue but a cultural one. Our lives, intricately woven into the fabric of the digital world, face the threat of being forgotten, leaving a void where once our digital data provided a legacy. As we strive to protect these digital reflections of ourselves, we confront a challenge that resonates at the core of our being. This is a journey of safeguarding not just data but the very stories that define us, ensuring that our culture and knowledge are preserved, cherished, and passed down to future generations. The Current Digital Preservation Challenges Our digital age has enabled the creation and sharing of cultural content at an unprecedented scale. However, a report by UNESCO highlights that nearly 70% of digital data is at risk of becoming inaccessible within a decade. This statistic reveals a stark reality: without proactive measures, much of our contemporary cultural heritage could be lost. Current approaches to digital preservation face several challenges. High costs are a significant barrier. For instance, WordPress's initiative to offer a century-long digital legacy preservation service for $38,000 is prohibitively expensive for most individuals and institutions. Moreover, there is a heavy reliance on private corporations for data storage and management, which raises concerns about data longevity and accessibility in the event of a company's dissolution. Moreover, national policies on digital preservation often lack comprehensive strategies and adequate funding. While initiatives like the EU’s Digital Single Market strategy address aspects of digital integration, they often sideline cultural preservation, which is critical. Similarly, institutions like the Library of Congress face limitations in funding and technological resources, hindering their ability to embrace digital archiving measures fully.   To address these challenges, a varied and complex policy approach is needed: Government Funding and Support:  Governments should allocate specific funding to digital preservation projects, similar to traditional cultural preservation grants. This would enable public institutions like libraries and archives to update their technological capabilities and expand their digital collections. Standardising Digital Formats:  There is a need for international standards for digital storage formats to ensure long-term accessibility. Collaborative efforts between governments, tech companies, and cultural institutions can lead to the development of universally accepted, future-proof digital formats. Public-Private Partnerships:  Encouraging partnerships between public institutions and private tech companies can leverage the strengths of both sectors. For instance, tech companies can provide the infrastructure and innovation, while public institutions ensure accessibility and longevity. Community Involvement and Education:  Raising public awareness about the importance of digital preservation and encouraging community involvement in these efforts can build a more robust preservation ecosystem. Educational programs can also train the next generation of digital curators. Global Collaboration:  Digital preservation should be a globally coordinated effort. International bodies like UNESCO could play a pivotal role in bringing together different stakeholders to develop and implement global strategies for digital cultural preservation. Decentralised Models and AI in Digital Archiving Exploring decentralised models for digital preservation can be a revolutionary step. Instead of relying solely on large institutions or corporations, a distributed network of preservation could be established, utilising blockchain technology. This approach not only diversifies the risk of data loss but also democratises the process, allowing communities and individuals to participate actively in safeguarding digital heritage. Furthermore, Artificial Intelligence (AI) and machine learning offer promising avenues for digital preservation. These technologies can automate the categorising, tagging, and archiving of digital content, making the process more efficient and less prone to human error. AI can also help predict and prevent data loss by identifying at-risk digital formats and recommending timely interventions. Environmental Sustainability The environmental impact of digital storage, particularly the energy consumption of large data centres, is a growing concern. Integrating green technology and sustainable practices into digital preservation strategies is essential. This might include using renewable energy sources to power data centres or developing more energy-efficient storage technologies, thus ensuring that our efforts to preserve digital heritage do not harm the environment. Legacy Planning for Digital Assets and Digital Libraries Encouraging individuals to plan for the legacy of their digital assets can play a critical role in personal digital preservation. This involves educating people about options for transferring their digital footprints, such as social media content, personal blogs, and digital art, to designated custodians or archival services upon their passing. This personal approach to digital legacy planning could complement broader institutional efforts. Establishing collaborative international digital libraries could serve as a universal repository for human knowledge and culture. Such a project would involve pooling resources and expertise from across the globe to create a comprehensive, accessible, and multilingual digital library, preserving the world’s literary and cultural output in a centralised yet globally distributed digital format. Integrating these innovative ideas into the existing digital and cultural preservation framework can significantly enhance our efforts to safeguard our heritage. From decentralised models and AI applications to environmental sustainability and personal legacy planning, these strategies represent a forward-thinking approach to preserving our past and present for future generations. As we adapt to the digital age, embracing these ideas will ensure a rich, diverse, and accessible cultural legacy. Preserving our digital cultural heritage is a technical challenge and policy imperative. As we forge ahead in the digital age, our policies must evolve to ensure that our era’s cultural and artistic expressions are preserved and accessible for future generations. By adopting a holistic approach that includes government support, standardisation, public-private partnerships, community involvement, and global collaboration, we can safeguard our digital legacy for generations to come.

By Syed Hussain In the intricate mosaic of global economic relations, China's strategic decisions and internal economic challenges have become increasingly significant, influencing not only its domestic economic landscape but also exerting profound effects on the global stage. Among the myriad challenges it faces, the crisis within China's commercial property sector and the geopolitical tensions in the Red Sea stand out for their potential to impact both China and the broader international economy.     The commercial property sector in China, which once epitomised the country's rapid economic growth, has encountered severe turbulence. Marked by a glut of unsold inventory, plummeting property values, and burgeoning debt levels, the crisis is symbolised by the plight of property giant Evergrande, struggling under massive financial strain. This downturn results from a combination of speculative investment, over-expansion, and stringent regulatory measures aimed at reining in excessive borrowing. The repercussions are far-reaching, eroding household wealth, dampening consumer confidence, and posing significant systemic risks. The decline in property values, coupled with stalled construction projects, not only suppresses consumer spending but also threatens to introduce bad debts into the banking sector, potentially leading to tighter credit conditions and stifling economic growth.    On the international front, the tensions in the Red Sea, particularly around the strategically crucial Suez Canal, present a significant geopolitical challenge. This vital maritime route, essential for the global oil trade, has seen disruptions due to regional conflicts. This has directly affected China's energy security and the dynamics of the global oil market. Despite current oil price stability, the potential long-term effects of these disruptions could lead to significant shifts in global oil markets, affecting prices and supply security. China has strong interests in Red Sea security, with 60% of its Europe-bound exports passing through the Suez Canal in 2021. However, it has avoided involvement in America's military coalition responding to Houthi attacks on shipping, instead stressing solidarity with Arab countries. Though China could leverage its ties with Iran to help resolve the crisis, it seems unwilling to. Instead, China is valuing their relationship, causing them to lack sway over the Houthis. Moreover, China's state media blames the US for Middle East tensions. Under its "Global Security Initiative," China touts an alternative model prioritising economic cooperation over military solutions. But this vision has brought few concrete results, and China appears comfortable with the current threat level, routing some ships south while others continue northern passages. With limited influence and a desire to avoid deeper entanglement, China is unlikely to take an active mediation role despite its high stakes in Red Sea stability.    Moreover, the altered competitive dynamics between Russia and Saudi Arabia, key oil suppliers to China, could have implications for China's energy strategy and its international relations.  As the world’s second-largest goods importer, accounting for close to 11% of global goods imports in 2022, China plays a pivotal role in international trade dynamics. Its imports from countries with high trade exposure to China, such as Mongolia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Vietnam, and Laos, underscore the interconnectedness of global economies with China's demand. Additionally, China's unwavering commitment to external lending, growing at an average annual rate of 12.3% since 2013, reflects a geopolitical strategy rather than purely commercial interests. Despite the wobbly economic recovery, China's leaders, including President Xi Jinping, have emphasized the importance of bolstering business confidence and lifting domestic demand, marking consumer demand as a top economic objective for 2023.    Addressing the crisis in the commercial property sector requires a careful recalibration of economic policies to stabilise the market and restore investor and consumer confidence. Concurrently, the crisis in the Red Sea necessitates strategic international positioning and a thorough reassessment of energy security strategies and supply chain resilience.    For the first time in decades, it appears that China's economic sprint is significantly slowing, a concerning development for a global economy that has long relied on China's nearly 1.5 billion population for broader growth. This slowdown has wide-ranging implications across political and security spheres, necessitating a comprehensive understanding of the potential ramifications for 2024. Among the critical challenges facing China is the alarming rise in youth unemployment, with recent data indicating a jobless rate of 21.3%. This trend, coupled with an increasing number of graduates returning to rural areas, underscores the difficulties in the job market, potentially leading to social unrest against a backdrop of China's complex history with student movements.    Additionally, the real estate sector, which constitutes about one-quarter of China's GDP, is in the throes of a severe crisis. The struggles of debt-laden giants like Evergrande and Country Garden, with $124.5 billion in defaulted bonds, raise fears of a financial system collapse and a broader economic downturn. This scenario is exacerbated by the real estate market's role in local government financing, risking a significant blow to public savings and local fundraising mechanisms. The potential for a Chinese economic downturn to trigger a global recession, given China's substantial share of global GDP and manufacturing, underscores the need for careful management to prevent an international contagion.    These challenges emerge as President Xi Jinping begins his third term, facing numerous domestic and international pressures. The geopolitical landscape, characterised by tensions with the United States and regional powers, alongside the ongoing war in Ukraine, presents a complex backdrop for China's economic and foreign policy strategies. The potential for an economic slowdown to influence China's stance on foreign policy offers a dual-edged sword, potentially leading to either a more cautious approach or more aggressive actions to advance national interests.  China's economic outlook is further complicated by deflation and a shrinking population, with 2023 seeing the slowest growth since 1990. This slowdown, amidst weak private investment, modest consumer spending growth, and declining exports, alongside challenges such as youth unemployment hitting a high of 21.3% and a severe crisis in the real estate sector, showcases the complex interplay between domestic policies and global impact. The potential for a Chinese economic downturn to trigger a global recession, given China's substantial share of global GDP and manufacturing, underscores the need for careful management to prevent an international contagion.    The situation is summarised by rising trade protectionism and intensified geopolitical conflicts, as highlighted by Commerce Minister Wang Wentao, alongside the rapid growth of China's "new three" industries of electric vehicles, solar energy products, and lithium batteries, which, despite bolstering the economy, have sparked concerns among developed country trading partners over the potential for low-cost imports to disrupt local industries. This evolving economic landscape, coupled with China's demographic challenges, including a declining population and rising youth unemployment, necessitates innovative solutions to navigate the "new normal" of slower growth and structural changes. The international implications of China's economic strategies, particularly in sectors developed with heavy state subsidies, highlight a growing clash with the market-oriented capitalism of developed countries, raising questions about the future of global trade relations and the need for a balanced approach to industrial policy and international cooperation to address mutual concerns and avoid trade conflicts.    In conclusion, the combination of domestic economic challenges, including the commercial property sector crisis and geopolitical tensions, alongside the broader implications of a significant economic slowdown, underscores the complex interplay between China's domestic policies and its global impact. The global community remains vigilant, recognising that the unfolding situation in China will significantly influence economic trends and geopolitical alliances in the coming years. As China navigates these challenges, its strategic decisions will critically shape the future of the global economy, highlighting the importance of strategic insight and adaptability in managing the intricacies of international economic and political relations, making the unfolding situation in China a significant influence on economic trends and geopolitical alliances in the coming years.

By Mehul Chopra The Gaza Strip, a small, densely populated piece of land on the eastern coast of the Mediterranean Sea, is home to over 2 million Palestinians, of which half of whom are children. Gaza has been the focal point of a prolonged and sustained conflict that has created a dire situation for its residents, making their daily lives a struggle for survival amidst chaos and destruction. The severity of the situation has been further exacerbated by the recent outbreak of the Israel-Hamas war on October 7th, 2023. With Gaza possessing a sizeable young population, it is the children of Gaza who bear the heaviest burden, with their lives disrupted in terms of access to education, healthcare, and nutrition due to the destruction of infrastructure and blockades imposed by the Israeli government. There is much political and historical context about the conflicts in the region. However, none of these can justify the humanitarian abuses faced by the children of Gaza. This article aims to shift the focus away from political discussions about the region and shed light on the plight of Gaza’s youngest and most vulnerable residents who have become victims of a war they had no fault in starting.  Destruction of Infrastructure   Israeli airstrikes and bombing campaigns have long plagued Gaza and have been responsible for immeasurable damage over decades. However, this impact was accelerated to new magnitudes during the recent outbreak of war. The Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) reported that 279 educational facilities had been damaged as of November 15th, 2023. This figure represents more than 51% of the total educational facilities in the region. Due to this widespread destruction, none of Gaza's 625,000 students were able to access education, highlighting the profound impact on the educational system and the future of children in the region. Furthermore, the damage extends to healthcare facilities that have also been targeted in bombing campaigns by Israeli forces. The World Health Organisation (WHO) reports that 137 healthcare facilities were attacked by November 12th, 2023, and the figure continues to rise. Hospitals have faced irreparable damage, and many have had to close down. For example, the Indonesian hospital was struck multiple times, the International Eye Care Centre was destroyed completely, and clearly marked ambulances were also targeted in the bombings. Not only have children died directly as a result of these bombings, but the closures of these sites have facilitated more deaths as people are unable to get access to necessary medical attention in their times of need. The Gaza health ministry reports that the conflict has killed over 2000 children aged 12 and under, with over 615 of them being younger than 3 years old (at the time of writing), a truly shocking and heartbreaking statistic. The suffering of Gaza’s children must be alleviated, and calls for a ceasefire become more and more pertinent as the death toll continues to rise with time.  Blockades   Blockades imposed by the Israeli government have likewise had a multifaceted impact on the livelihood of the children of Gaza. The restriction of essential medical supplies and equipment has led to an avoidable surge in child mortality. WHO reports that 40% of essential drugs are consistently at zero stock in Gaza’s hospitals, and those requiring specialized care outside of care were often denied permission to leave Gaza to be treated. The blockade has reduced the number of available ventilators and incubators for newborn children who require this life-saving support. As a result, 120 newborn children have died (at the time of writing). Furthermore, cutting off electrical supplies has profoundly impacted the quality of healthcare services available. Hospitals in Gaza are forced to operate on 6-8 hours of electricity a day, and many children slip through the cracks in having access to the high-quality medical attention they so desperately need in times of crisis. Blockades have also impacted the access to nutrition for children by limiting food availability and quality. UNICEF reports that over 60% of households in Gaza are impacted by food insecurity, and over 10% of children under 5 are suffering from chronic malnutrition (at the time of writing). The impact extends to educational needs as the blockade inhibits access to educational materials such as updated textbooks, technology, and other resources that could greatly improve the quality of education. The blockades, in coalition with the destruction of infrastructure, have created a cycle of health crises and educational setbacks that have long-term implications for the future of children in Gaza.  Conclusion   In conclusion, the dire situation in Gaza underscores an urgent need for a humanitarian pause. The widespread destruction of infrastructure, the profound impact on healthcare and education, and the deepening humanitarian crisis that particularly affects the youth, call for immediate action. The international community, including governments, international organizations, and human rights advocates, must exert diplomatic pressure on the Israeli government to facilitate a ceasefire and ensure the provision of essential services. This includes the lifting of blockades to allow the unimpeded flow of medical supplies, educational materials, and food. A humanitarian pause is not only a moral imperative but also a necessary step towards stabilizing the region, providing relief to the children of Gaza, and laying the groundwork for a lasting peace that will benefit future generations of Palestinians living in the region.     Resources:  More than 3,600 Palestinian children killed in war: Gaza Health Ministry | AP News   Gaza: Unlawful Israeli Hospital Strikes Worsen Health Crisis | Human Rights Watch ( hrw.org )   Gaza's hospitals report growing threats from Israeli airstrikes ( wshu.org )   ‘Why bomb schools?’ Gaza families have no safe space amid Israeli attacks | Israel-Palestine conflict | Al Jazeera   Gaza war inflicts catastrophic damage on infrastructure and economy | Reuters   Gaza crisis: aid agencies warn of ‘tragic, avoidable surge’ in child deaths | UN News

By Mehru Nisa Shahid Climate change is often given significant attention in conversations and tends to be treated as an isolated issue, with little consideration for intersectionality within mainstream discourse. In my observation, the discourse within my country, Pakistan, focuses on various pressing social issues, yet climate change is low on the agenda. The reality is that climate change affects individuals’ daily lives deeply and deserves more attention. In this policy report, I will discuss the impact of climate change on education— a fundamental human right that many worldwide are deprived of, and access remains a significant challenge for many. Education plays a decisive role in empowering individuals by providing them with information and knowledge to improve the world. It has allowed us to learn about climate change and discover practical solutions. Unfortunately, education systems worldwide have been disrupted by climate-related events, such as the floods in Pakistan, severely affecting people's lives. Significance of Education in Addressing Climate Change Education plays a pivotal role in addressing the climate change challenge. It raises awareness regarding the issue and equips individuals with the knowledge necessary to develop solutions. However, our education systems require significant transformation. One major issue is the lack of climate education training for teachers, and another is the absence of adequate representation of climate-related topics within the curriculum. Recognising these challenges, the UN Secretary-General's Transforming Education Summit underscores the need to overhaul education in response to the global climate and environmental crisis. Building on the groundwork laid by Education for Sustainable Development (ESD), the newly established Greening Education Partnership seeks to take cohesive and robust action. It aims to prepare every learner with the knowledge, skills, values, and attitudes required to address climate change and promote sustainable development. The partnership focuses on four action areas: greening schools, learning, capacity, and readiness. Countries are encouraged to embrace at least two of these components by 2030. Empowering Marginalised Communities in the Fight Against Climate Change Furthermore, empowering marginalised communities, particularly gender and ethnic minorities, is crucial to addressing climate change. These communities are often the most affected by climate impacts and possess valuable insights into tackling the issue. Solving climate change cannot be achieved in isolation from addressing concurrent issues like racial capitalism and patriarchy, which hinder the education and empowerment of marginalised individuals. Without addressing these challenges with an intersectional approach, we will continue living in a world marked by cruelty towards humanity and the planet. A Call for Comprehensive Solutions Exploring potential solutions to the educational challenges posed by climate change is crucial. In some regions, the effects of climate change have led to the suspension of education. For instance, in Pakistan, more than 3.5 million children were affected by floods , disrupting their education. Infrastructure damage, longer commutes to school, and uncertainty regarding school reopenings took a toll. The World Bank suggested that Pakistan adopt a resilient education system with district-level planning and disaster response strategies for floods and earthquakes. These are vital policy considerations. However, these policy considerations often overlook the broader context of global climate injustice and the economic and political instability developing countries like Pakistan face. It's essential to consider the historical and political aspects of climate change. Historically, the global north has been the primary contributor to greenhouse gas emissions responsible for climate change, disproportionately impacting the global south. Financial institutions in the global north have long funded carbon-intensive projects and companies contributing to global warming. Structural Adjustment Programs (SAPs) by the IMF have also been associated with environmental degradation , such as deforestation and air pollution. A recent study in Ghana revealed a substantial increase in deforestation during the post-adjustment period. This highlights how the short-term profitability focus of SAPs has negatively affected forests and contributed significantly to the climate change crisis. All of this underscores that climate change policies cannot be one-size-fits-all solutions. Recommendations for global south countries need to account for the unjust global financial system. Developing countries called for climate justice at COP27, particularly in adaptation, loss, and damage funds. Recognising climate injustice is the first step, and the global north should acknowledge its historical contributions and provide aid to developing countries without onerous conditions. It is then on developing countries to fulfil their responsibilities in addressing climate change. To conclude, the issue of climate change and its link with education show that the climate change crisis can not be solved without considering the societal and global structural inequalities.