top of page

Search it. Find it.

149 items found for ""

  • US Policy Shift: Elevating the US-India Relationship Beyond Convenience

    By Krishna Bellamkonda In June this year, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi embarked on a four-day state visit to the United States. This was marked by a grand state dinner and an address to the US Congress. Catching global attention, these events symbolise a mutual policy shift of the world’s largest democracies, which may define this century . This shift is often attributed to the concern related to China. However, I present some contrary evidence and argue that this relationship has a deeper undercurrent. Yet, before deeming this policy shift as a pivotal moment in world history, there are some fundamental questions we must first address. Firstly, does the current short-term geopolitical landscape necessitate such convergence of policies, and if so, are these policies constrained in their scope and extent to address these geopolitical demands? Secondly, how can India's long-standing policy of non-alignment harmonise with the U.S.'s need for a relationship based on deep trust and substantial cooperation? The India-US Relationship Through Different Lenses [--] Figure 1: Categorization of countries into different blocs (data from UN General Assembly) The map above (Figure 1) utilises data from the UN General Assembly and categorises countries into blocs through a machine learning algorithm. A brief examination of this seems to support the hypothesis that the mutual policy shift is simply a matter of convenience. For countries that have historically maintained strained relations, a brisk and significant positive shift seems far-fetched. However, labelling it serendipitous would not do justice to the ten years of dedicated efforts to bolster relations from both the Indian and American sides. Key moments include two high-level visits . The visits by Prime Minister Narendra Modi to the US in 2014, followed by President Barack Obama's visit to India in 2015, laid a robust foundation for the relationship. All recent developments have been built upon this decade-long confidence-building process. The shared status of being the two largest democracies in the world also contributes significantly to maintaining mutual trust. The scope of this partnership has broadened significantly to encompass various sectors , including defence, counterterrorism, internal security, trade, and space collaboration. The evidence supporting this expansion is substantial; bilateral trade between the two nations has reached a historic peak , totalling $191.8 billion and marking an impressive 113% increase over the past decade. Notably, the United States has now become India's largest trading partner, underscoring the clear and tangible benefits this partnership has yielded. [--] Figure 2: Compatibility Chart between the US and India in the United Nations General Assembly Despite maintaining a functional relationship, the question of aligning worldviews persists. The pie chart above illustrates the historical voting patterns of the United States and India in the United Nations General Assembly on various issues, which reveals their differing perspectives. It prompts consideration of whether these differences should be seen as a deal-breaker. In an increasingly multipolar world, the paradigm of issue-based cooperation has supplanted traditional notions of blocs and alliances, emphasising the importance of discovering common ground rather than adhering to entrenched and preconceived coalitions. I argue that this relationship has become a template for a global North-South partnership which allows for mutual prosperity. One distinguishing feature of this relationship is the level of maturity it exhibits. Remarkably, historical disparities, such as the US's alignment with Pakistan in the 1971 war of Bangladesh’s independence and India's strong ties with Russia, have not impeded the development of a comprehensive partnership. This evolution underscores the dynamic nature of current international relations, where nations adapt and re-evaluate their priorities in response to changing times and geopolitical landscapes. This stark contrast between American policies in the 1970s and the present can be seen as an explicit acknowledgment of the shifting global dynamics and a testament to the resilience and adaptability of both nations in fostering a robust and forward-looking strategic partnership. However, it is undeniable that China is a significant factor in the equation. India's strained relations with China, coupled with the escalating US-China rivalry, have injected a sense of urgency into the partnership. Addressing security concerns in the Indo-Pacific, the coalition of democracies known as QUAD takes on particular importance. Nonetheless, it's essential to note that the scope of this coalition extends beyond security matters, encompassing a coordinated action plan addressing climate change, green energy initiatives, and collaborative ventures in critical technology. The eastward shift in US foreign policy and India's reciprocal response have indeed propelled a safer Indo-Pacific and more. However, managing this relationship and navigating its critical differences comes with formidable challenges and demands close and vigilant attention from both nations.

  • Navigating the Indian Ocean: The Maldives’ Diplomatic Pivot from New Delhi to Beijing

    By Channon Heenan   The waters of the Indian ocean have long been a stage for political manoeuvring, and today it is no different. The Maldives, India’s tiny island neighbour, have shaken up regional geopolitics. Once anchored in a firm pro-India policy stance, the Maldives is now looking to orbit Beijing instead of New Delhi, setting the stage for a seismic shift in the broader dynamics of the Indian Ocean. This article delves into the historic ties between the Maldives and India, explores the factors behind the nation’s warming relations with China, evaluating China’s role in this realignment and examines the geopolitical and economic importance of the Maldives and the Indian Ocean area for China.    A CLOSE HISTORY?  India was among the first nations to recognise the Maldives’ independence in 1965, establishing a diplomatic mission there in 1972, at Malé. They solved their maritime boundary dispute in a friendly and diplomatic manner in 1976, and ever since have shared close ethnic, linguistic, cultural, commercial, and religious ties. Indeed, India has been a leading development partner of the Maldives, establishing many leading institutions such as the Indira Gandhi Memorial Hospital and the Faculty of Engineering Technology.     Furthermore, India has aided Maldives wherever required. India was the first country to rush aid and relief to the Maldives in the wake of the tsunami that struck on December 26th 2004. India also provided financial assistance both in the wake of the tsunami and after tidal surges struck the Maldives in 2007.    Politically, India and the Maldives have nurtured close bilateral ties, and almost all Indian prime minister shave visited the island nation since the inception of diplomatic relations. Former Maldivian Presidents such as Maumoon Abdul Gayoom visited India during their presidencies.    Despite the close ties between the two nations and the spirit of close financial and infrastructural co-operation, relations have soured recently, with China benefitting.    WANING TIES WITH INDIA  India-Maldives ties suffered greatly under the Yameen Abdul Gayoon   Administration while Chinese influence grew in the island nation. In 2012, an agreement signed with the Indian company GMR was abruptly cancelled and given to a Chinese company instead in 2014, marking a shift in ties.    The Yameen government undertook various anti-India measures including asking India to remove the two helicopters it had gifted to the Maldives in 2010 and 2011 and refusing to renew the visas of their pilots. In 2018, the Maldives refused India access to its biennial military training exercises, another low point in previously excellent military ties.    The most recent development in this relationship is the recent election of the strongly pro-China President Mohamed Muizzu, who ran on an ‘India out’ platform. He has given the 75 Indian military personnel and two helicopters currently stationed in the Maldives a deadline of 15 March to leave. The pro-Chinese president signed 20 agreements with Beijing in January on his state visit there, including ones on climate, agriculture, and infrastructure, further cementing the reorientation of the Maldives towards China.    WHY CHINA?  China has taken the economic and political advantage in the Maldives, investing in mega infrastructure projects, enhancing trade ties, promoting tourism, and making India a part of its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).    Under the Yameen government, China’s ties with the Maldives grew in leaps and bounds. China invested massive amounts of money in the island nation, such as US$ 830m in a bid to upgrade the Maldivian airport, a 25-storey apartment complex and hospital and relocating a major port. Chinese projects account for up to 70% of Maldivian debt - an estimated $1.3 billion. This debt scheme comports with the wider Chinese strategy to create debt in other countries to gain political leverage over them – a strategy often seen with the BRI.    Economically China is making bigger steps in the Maldives than India, and in the wake of a recent uptick in anti-India rhetoric in the Maldives, China is seen as the more attractive partner.  WHAT'S IN IT FOR CHINA The Maldives plays a massively important geopolitical role for China, in its bid for an increased presence in the Indian ocean.     Until 2010, China did not even have an embassy in the Maldives. However, in the last several years it has not only established diplomatic relations with the island country, but even went so far as to ‘deter’ an Indian intervention after President Yameen imposed a state of emergency in March 2018, scrambling its warships in a calculated move not only to prevent India from expanding its influence but to also cement its influence in the Maldives.    WHY HAS IT DONE THIS?  The Indian Ocean region famously plays a role in the geostrategic rivalry between the Unites States and China in the West Pacific, and between China and India, thus small island nations like the Maldives bear massive importance.     The transportation routes through this area are essential in the Chinese drive to protect its oil routes and its trade. As such, it attempts to minimise its vulnerabilities through the BRI projects which expand both its influence in the region and its energy routes. The Maldives is at the centre of one of these projects, underlining its importance for Chinese trade interests.    Aside from trade, however, China also has other interests in the Maldives, namely militarily. Since 2008, Beijing has exercised a military presence in the Indian ocean region, allowing it to respond quickly to crises and provides the opportunity to exercise a higher level of influence across the region. Furthermore, Chinese military interests in the Indian ocean have contributed to the creation of a ‘string of pearls’ of military bases across the entire area, ranging from the Horn of Africa to the Chinese mainland in a bid to encircle potential rivals such as India.     The Maldives, if brought fully into Beijing’s orbit, could provide China with an opportunity to expand its political and military influence in the Indian Ocean, an opportunity that could be seen as threatening both for India and for wider players in the region such as the UK and US.    https://www.reuters.com/world/asia-pacific/maldives-upgrades-ties-with-china-amid-pivot-india-2024-01-10/   https://www.jstor.org/stable/45341132   https://cprindia.org/wp-content/uploads/2021/12/india-maldives.pdf   https://www.ft.com/content/f5f7fe9c-a90b-4d9c-8685-e399a274784a

  • COVID-19 and its Implications on our Mental Health

    By Isabella Lopez-Scott   The COVID-19 pandemic had many implications for the economy, education, and healthcare. However, one factor that has been seriously overlooked is the impact on the mental health of the general public. Since the pandemic, there has been a 25% increase in the prevalence of anxiety and depression. Major risk factors reported were younger age, those identifying as female and pre-existing health conditions. Many variables have led to this, including financial stress caused by the pandemic and the subsequent cost of living crisis, bereavement caused by losing loved ones to COVID-19 and isolation that affected many across the world.     Effects on younger people For many young people, the COVID-19 pandemic and subsequent lockdowns happened at critical stages in life, whether coinciding with essential exams or removing the opportunity to maintain or develop friendships. In a study done in 2020 , it was shown that 63% of the participants met the criteria for probable depression and 51% for anxiety.     What are the factors contributing to this? The quarantines that occurred imposed intense social isolation on everyone, especially young people and children. The adjustment from school to online learning and a lack of social interaction left many feeling lonely, with young people from primary service having significantly higher levels of loneliness than the general population. Many were also left alone in abusive households during lockdowns with little to no support, contributing to many feelings of isolation and fear. The NSPCC reported  receiving nearly a quarter of a million referrals in 2020/21, with a record number of calls from those worried about domestic abuse.     Effect on women The significant effect of COVID-19 on the mental health of women has many roots, from increased fear over pregnancies to the increased risk during lockdowns to violent partners. A study done in China in 2020  showed that, after the announcement that the virus was able to be transmitted between humans, there was a significant increase in scores on the Edinburgh Postnatal Depression Scale (EPDS) alongside a greater probability of pregnant women scoring within the cut-off for depression, anxiety, and suicidal thoughts.   In postpartum women, there is a significant negative correlation between postpartum depression and social support available. However, the government’s lockdowns during the pandemic significantly reduced social support, from family and friends to professional help.     The outdated Mental Health Act The effects of COVID-19 are still being felt today, many years later, showing that change is needed in the way in which mental health policy is approached and changed.   The Mental Health Act  (MHA) was created over 40 years ago and contains the law and procedure of when individuals may be detained and receive mental health treatment against their will. Considering it has been so long since it was changed, an update is long overdue, with many policies having the opposite effect of what is intended. This act has many issues, namely racial disparities, its ineffectiveness on the younger generation and inequality for those in deprived areas.  An independent review panel made recommendations for improvement in December 2018, including abolishing community treatment orders, providing appropriate wards for young people, and allowing for the right to appeal decisions. However, these changes are yet to be implemented by the government despite the Department of Health and Social Care publishing a White Paper and consultation in response.    Why have these changes still not taken place? Many factors have contributed to the lack of action. As the King’s Fund noted, three main enablers  are data, funding, and workforce. There is a significant gap in the government’s data for those detained by the MHA. This  is due to a decision to cut costs in 2013 and abolish the use of KP90 , the primary data collection programme for the Department of Health. The decision to cut this has led to incomplete and inaccurate data being recorded by both NHS and non-NHS healthcare providers. The changes in the White Paper have significant financial implications as only some of the suggested reforms have defined costs. This has led to many of the other changes suggested being ‘subject to funding’ with little to no confirmation on the status of these being put in place. Finally, there are disproportionately high vacancy rates for mental health trusts. This is not helped by the proposed changes, which would increase workload and training requirements.     The pandemic has had a severe effect on the mental health of the population, with a specific impact on women and young people. Whilst this effect was worldwide, the UK alone shows serious concern with little to no support shown thus far from the government. Due to the rise in formal sectioning of individuals under the Mental Health Act of 11.8%  during lockdowns, urgent action is needed to alter this act. The outdated act should make changes to allow those detained to appeal decisions, young people to be placed in appropriate facilities, and automatic advocates to be placed by hospitals for those without one. Until these changes and more are implemented, this act will not be able to effectively deal with the aftermath of the pandemic.

  • Cancer: why health inequalities in cancer are making the world’s biggest killer that much more dangerous

    Isabella Lopez-Scott There are many areas in healthcare in which spotting inequalities is obvious, for example, those who can afford private healthcare, dental services, and mental health treatments. However, in specific diseases such as cancer, the lines become more blurred, making it harder for us to identify areas in which socio-economic differences, as well as race and gender, play a part. Whilst these areas are hard to locate, it is crucial they are dealt with, and the system is changed to reduce these differences as rates of cancer diagnosis are only increasing. Policy-makers must implement changes that allow earlier interventions and address imbalances in treatment received and diagnoses.  Why the UK public has been failed: There are many reasons for which there are increasing rates of cancer, including changes in the environment and an increase in fast food consumption. However, the leading cause is health inequalities, which are responsible for 33,000 cases of avoidable cancers every year . This is a damning figure and should act as a wake-up call for politicians to implement new policies that tackle health inequalities, as well as an in-depth review of leading factors for health inequalities. Unfortunately, these have been side-lined by our current government, with public health grants reduced by a fifth since 2015 and junk food advertising ban delayed until 2025.  The leading cancer in areas of deprivation is lung cancer, with individuals working blue-collar jobs being more likely to smoke than those in white-collar jobs. Obesity is also a leading risk factor for cancers, and those living in deprived areas are more likely to have diabetes and be obese. This is especially prevalent in children, with obesity prevalence being 33% for children living in deprived areas.  The Marmot Review was published in 2010 as an independent review to propose strategies to reduce health inequalities in the UK. It focussed on six  policy objectives , including giving children the best start in life, fair employment, and a healthy standard of living for all. However, 14 years later, the results have not been good. There have been consistent failures from the current administration in Westminster to implement any of the recommendations made in the report. Since then, inequalities have only gotten worse, with funding cuts causing many local authorities to have reduced budgets for public health matters, such as anti-smoking campaigns. A starting point for tackling inequalities in the UK would simply be an increased and focussed budget.  How the EU is leading the way: In February 2021, the European Commission set up the European Cancer Inequalities Registry  as a part of their beating cancer plan. It aims to provide accurate and reliable data on cancer prevention and identify trends and inequalities between regions. It has gathered data on all countries within the European Union based on sex, age, income, and disability. This data  has shown that cancer causes almost a quarter of all deaths in these countries, with five new cases diagnosed every minute in 2022. Many inequalities have become evident between countries thanks to this initiative. This is due to the difference in funding between countries’ health systems, how they are structured, and whether the healthcare system provides free services. For example, in Malta, Cyprus and Latvia, less than 1/3 of cancer treatments are reimbursed or covered compared to Germany, which includes coverage for all cancer medications.  The differences highlighted between countries are startling, with cancer mortality rates being consistently higher in Central and Eastern European countries. Why is this? It comes down to many factors, from underlying risk factors to variations in cancer detection. Policy recommendations by Boyle  focus on adopting healthier lifestyles, with a particular focus on reducing smoking and alcohol consumption as well as more nutritional diets. This is because, particularly in Eastern Europe, the consumption rates of tobacco are concerningly high, with 28.2% of the population of Bulgaria consuming tobacco daily .  This registry also found that screening alone is insufficient to ensure early detection, although cancer screening is associated with better outcomes. In particular, breast cancer screening rates vary hugely between countries and can be concerningly low, as in 11 EU countries, less than half the women between ages 50-69 have had a mammogram in 2 years. The registry proposed many different policy options for the EU to implement to combat this, with its main focus being raising awareness of cancer and possible symptoms to encourage people to attend screenings.  In order for the UK to be able to reduce levels of inequalities in cancer specifically, a new strategy must be taken. One way of doing this could be to adopt a method similar to the European Union’s and start an initiative against cancer inequalities, complete with national surveys and public initiatives. However, whilst cancer inequality is troubling, it is only symptomatic of a broader problem within the UK that health care as a whole is unequal. There are many precursors to cancer, such as diabetes and smoking, that are vital to tackle and get under control before any other action against cancer can be taken. The issue with this is that our current government has shown great reluctance and disinterest in taking measures against healthcare inequality. Whilst policy recommendations have been made and papers campaigning for equality have been written, nothing will change unless our government changes.

  • Shortcomings in Addressing ‘Honour’ Based Violence in the UK

    By India Southcott On September 15, 2023, the UK government rejected calls to officially define ‘honour’ based violence (HBV), indicative of an ongoing failure to recognise one of the most severely underreported forms of domestic violence in the country. Official data from the Home Office reveals that, in the year ending March 2023, there were 2,905 recorded HBV-related offences in England and Wales. Whilst this is already a troubling rate, many experts suggest that most official statistics vastly underestimate and underreport the true extent of HBV. For instance, the Iranian and Kurdish Women’s Rights Organisation (IKROW) has raised alarming concerns about the reporting mechanisms for HBV incidents. In a 2014 report, they found that 1 in 5 police forces fail to report HBV cases appropriately. HBV helpline Karma Nirvana has contacted 120,000 since its inception in 2008, showing the extent to which police fail to report and support those experiencing HBV. What Makes HBV a Pressing Issue? As the government rejected calls to define ‘honour’ based violence, legally, there is no official basis for what constitutes HBV in the UK. IKROW described HBV as ‘Murders within the framework of collective family structures, in which predominantly women are mutilated, imprisoned, forced to commit suicide and killed for actual or perceived immoral behaviour’. The circumstances triggering HBV are not culturally specific, evident across countries, cultures, and religions. What is consistent is that despite the label, there is nothing close to ‘honour’ in abuse. This type of violence is most likely to start early in the lives of young people (most often women) in their family homes, situating HBV in the broader picture of violence against women and girls. SafeLives insight data has found that HBV victims are 13% more likely to be at risk of serious harm or homicide, and they are far more likely to be abused by multiple people, with 54% experiencing this. Alongside this, victims can be very hard to access as they are more likely to have recently immigrated to the UK, often relying on an abuser for their visa status or facing a language barrier in accessing support— over 26% of HBV victims required an interpreter. Safelives also notes that despite the disproportionate effect on women (which this policy report focuses on) HBV is experienced by both men and women, with factors such as sexuality and disability putting some men at greater risk. Inaccurate Data & Lack of Governmental Responsibility This failure to define HBV officially informs other issues as it creates difficulty in data collection, which is especially concerning as proper identification and recording of HBV is vital for effectively safeguarding victims. In the absence of adequate measures to tackle underreporting, the true scale of the problem remains veiled, impeding the ability of policy to provide assistance where it is most needed. Additionally, Honour Based Abuse is not widely recognised as a form of domestic abuse. Until 2020, it was not a requirement for police to report HBV, and despite its recent inclusion, a culture of ignorance remains. Experts argue that the government has also adopted a ‘siloed’ approach to tackling HBV, Karma Nirvana note that the government mostly only acknowledge the dangers of Forced marriage and female genital mutilation. This has repercussions on how HBV is recognised and understood on the national level. No Dedicated Agency Unlike other forms of abuse, which have dedicated agencies and straightforward legislative prevention, HBV is tackled by a cross-agency approach, requiring the collaboration of the Forced Marriage Unit and various social and law enforcement services, as well as non-governmental agencies. Law enforcement and social services often misreport potential HBV cases, therefore establishing a single agency with a profound understanding of HBV could dispel misconceptions. Cultural Stigma Much legislation has a distorted cultural sense of race, culture or religion, artificially removing associations with broader violence against women and girls and the structural gender inequality by which it is informed. In the case of law enforcement and social services, cultural sensitivity and competence gaps among officers can result in mishandling cases, as officers may not fully grasp the cultural and societal nuances at play in HBV situations. Overemphasis on cultural sensitivity can inadvertently enable the perpetuation of violence, while a heavy-handed approach can alienate communities and deter reporting. Prioritising Effective Data Collection and Analysis Practical training can allow for effective data collection as greater clarity and less misinformation ensure those dealing with HBV can promptly identify the nuances of HBV and correctly report it. Effective reporting means that a robust data collection system for tracking HBV can be established, which could include comprehensive information on victims, perpetrators, and outcomes. This data should play a pivotal role in shaping policy making. Furthermore, the introduction of mandatory reporting requirements for professionals who encounter HBV is vital. Failure to comply with reporting obligations should carry consequences. Specialised training and Awareness campaigns Individuals dealing with cases of honour-based violence should undergo specialised training to ensure their ability to identify HBV-related incidents promptly. This training should emphasise the unique challenges faced by individuals affected by HBV, enabling professionals to approach cases with sensitivity and understanding. Local authorities should mandate awareness as part of the curriculum and PSHE. Community Outreach Programs can engage with local organisations, religious institutions, and community leaders to raise awareness and encourage dialogue about HBV. Encouraging open discussions within communities can help break down stigmas, promote early intervention, and empower individuals to seek help when needed. Accessible aid at a local and national level On a local level, policy solutions should include enhancing hotlines and support services, ensuring that they are well-publicised and targeting individuals who are especially marginalised. This could, for example, involve ensuring those with language barriers can access a support worker who can properly communicate with them, alongside employing former victims of HBV who can offer lived insight. In the context of nationwide legislation, individuals facing visa dependency and immigration status complications should receive compassionate consideration to ensure they are not forced to depend on those who may exploit their vulnerable situation. Overall, Honour Based Abuse is a pervasive yet under-acknowledged issue, artificially dissociated from wider violence against women and girls. This is the result of a nuanced interplay of factors, but critically, it is perpetuated by government legislation in the UK. If the government were to dispel culturally biased narratives, for example, by introducing a standard definition and more effective and targeted training, this is likely to facilitate greater awareness of HBV. Therefore, this should be considered an essential first step in de-stigmatising HBV, as targeting the misconceptions which plague governmental agencies and highlighting HBV as a legislative issue recognised in parliament is likely to incite a change in public viewpoints.

  • Zan, Zendegi, Azadi (Woman, Life, Freedom): Iran’s Resistance to Oppression and Tyranny

    By Mehul Chopra The Iranian revolution of 1979: a brief history Iran, known for its rich history and ancient civilization, has had its fair share of uprisings, invasions, and revolutions. The 1979 Iranian revolution stands out as a pivotal moment in the nation’s history which fundamentally altered its societal fabric. The toppling of the Pahlavi dynasty was a sea change in Iran which gave way to an Islamic republic under the leadership of Ayatollah Khomeini. While the revolution aimed to free Iran from perceived Westernization, it also introduced a new set of challenges. Iran transformed into a totalitarian regime which was accompanied by repercussions for individuals’ rights and liberties. A series of changes were implemented. This included women being compelled to wear the hijab, the banning of Western music and cinema, and outright suppression of political dissent. The regime change marked a drastic shift in Iran’s social paradigm. The death of Mahsa Amini: a catalyst for resistance On the 16th of September 2022, a young woman named Mahsa Amini died in a hospital in Tehran. A few days prior to her death, Mahsa Amini had been arrested by Iran’s morality police for refusing to wear her hijab in a public place. Iranian authorities deny having any involvement in her death. However, the general consensus is that Mahsa Amini was severely beaten whilst in police custody which subsequently led to her death. The death of Mahsa Amini became a symbol of state brutality, and her martyrdom ignited widespread protests in all 31 provinces in Iran. Protests had not been uncommon in Iran, yet these protests were different as they marked a direct opposition to the human rights violations committed by the regime instead of being a demonstration about economic grievances. Furthermore, Amini was part of the Kurdish and Sunni minority, groups typically marginalized and discriminated against. Nevertheless, the Iranian public stood united in solidarity. The youth has been the driving force of this resistance, with demonstrations taking place in schools and universities as well as the streets of Iran. Students have walked out of their classrooms in protest and any segregation between boys and girls imposed by Iranian authorities has been abandoned. It is important to note that people of all age demographics have taken part in forms of resistance that undermine the regime. As anger brews all over the country, university professors and teachers stand alongside their students, journalists publish dissent against the regime, and riots ensue in prisons. Furthermore, women have played a crucial role in fuelling the protests. Opposing Iran’s forced hijab policy, women removed their headscarves and burned them in protest. Many women have also been seen to appear in public without headscarves, putting their own lives at risk in support of their cause. The use of excessive force to crush the spirit of resistance In response to the protests, the Iranian leadership did not make any concessions to the protesters, rather it sought to double down on repressive tactics in order to destroy the spirit of the resistance. In merely a month after the protests unfolded, Iran’s security forces have reportedly killed at least 215 people, including 27 children. Iran’s revolutionary guard was instructed to use any and all force necessary to quell the protests and as a result, many protesters have been shot dead in the streets. In addition, the Iranian government have simultaneously implemented non-violent measures to disrupt the protests. Net blockers have been introduced to disrupt internet services, preventing the organization and planning of protests. International social media platforms such as Instagram and WhatsApp were banned, and internet disruptions became a common feature of life in Iran. Furthermore, thousands have been arrested for their involvement in protests, with multiple reports of individuals having suspiciously died under police custody. The most shocking part of Iran’s crackdown on protesters is that it has not even spared school children, as evidenced by various young girls being arrested. Asra Panahi, a 16-year-old schoolgirl, was beaten to death by Iran’s security forces for refusing to sing a song praising the regime. Additionally, Sarina Esmailzadeh, a 16-year-old YouTube personality, was beaten to death while attending a protest. The use of the death penalty also signals a fundamental violation of justice and human rights as protesters have undergone false trials sentencing them to death. Executions have been carried out publicly to make a spectacle designed to intimidate and deter any future protesters. Nevertheless, the people of Iran have persevered, a testament to their resilience and unwavering determination in the face of brutal repression. The current situation and the role of the international community A year after the death of Mahsa Amini, the situation in Iran remains bleak and the people continue to suffer. The regime has stood firm and refused to implement any significant reforms to its repressive policies. The issue of the forced hijab which was at the epicenter of the initial protests remains in place. Iranian authorities are using smart cameras to catch violators, the morality police have been redeployed in the streets, and internet access continues to be heavily restricted. It is the duty of the international community to support the people in Iran in their fight for justice. The US, Canada, and the UK have taken collective action to impose sanctions on high-ranking Iranian officials by freezing individuals’ assets in the West and restricting their access to financial institutions. However, a recent agreement between the US and Iran has meant that the US will allow Iran access to $6bn in frozen assets in exchange for 5 US citizens being released from Iranian prisons. While this exchange is a step back for the Iranian people, it is pertinent that the international community continues to stand by them. The Western world must continue to pressure Iranian leadership to stop their human rights abuses through financial sanctions on high-ranking Iranian officials and other means.

  • Rising Tensions Between The U.S. and China

    The United States and China’s relationship has never been worse in the last four decades, since President Nixon normalized the relationship between the two countries. Both nations are increasingly opposing each other on a wide range of matters from trade, to human rights and Covid-19. These tensions are placed within a clear paradigm. China’s economic and political influence are rising and are challenging US’s hegemony. To avoid a cold war (that could be far worse than the previous one) both countries need to accept their differences and find common grounds to collaborate. Their relationship has sharply deteriorated since the arrival of Donald Trump to the White House in 2016. Since his entry, he has rightfully accused China of commercial malpractices from their huge trade deficit to the stealing of intellectual property. As a consequence, US has been waging a trade war against China since 2018. Their differences have also translated into a technological war. The United States has, in recent years, targeted the Chinese company Huawei, a network telecommunication provider, by banning it from developing 5g networks and by pressuring US allies to follow suit. On the August 17, the US has given 5 weeks to the popular Chinese app Tik Tok to sell its US operations; or, face a national ban. Another contentious issue between both nations has been China’s poor records on human rights. China has recently implemented a new national security law in Hong Kong which violates the semi-democratic status that the island has enjoyed since its handover from the UK in 1997. Also, in the Western province of Xinxiang, Chinese authorities are currently interning more than 1 million people. On top of that, the mishandling and the initial cover-ups of the spread of the Covid-19 in Wuhan have been met by fierce criticisms by the Trump administration. All these sticking points have led to an escalation of the tensions. The American government has ordered the closure of the Chinese consulate in Houston and, as a consequence, had to close its own in Chengdu. The Trump administration even contemplated in the last few months to impose a travel ban to the United States to the 92 million members of the Chinese communist party. The growing tensions between both nations follow a logical pattern. The United States is the biggest economic power since the beginning of the 20th century. However, this long-lasting dominance is threatened by China. The country is rapidly growing and is projected to overtake the US by the end of the next decade. Due to the economy, China’s political influence has risen as well. China has become increasingly influential in many international institutions such as the United Nations. The head of 4 out of the 15 U.N. specialized agencies are Chinese nationals. In 2013, China has launched the ‘One Belt and Road Initiative’. It is an ambitious program that aims to increase trade exchanges between Asia, Africa, and Europe. The project covers 70 countries, 65% of the world’s population, and represents one-third of the GDP. Over time, this region could become the neuralgic center of the world economy. Nevertheless, these tensions are also explained by the ideological differences between both countries. The US is a representative democracy based on freedom and the rule of law whereas China is a centralized authoritarian regime. The opposition between these two systems of governance is already visible in the international stage with China which is increasingly challenging the liberal world order established by the US following the Second World War. The recent escalations have made the international community worried about a possible new ‘Cold War’ which would be far worse than the previous one. Unlike the Soviet Union, China is the most populated nation in the world, its economy is robust, and its military strength is rising. As the trade war has already demonstrated, both countries’ tensions can dramatically impact the world economy. This is exactly what the world doesn’t need given the current economic turmoil. As they are here to stay, both nations need to co-operate, accept their differences, and settle their disputes through international mechanisms. Instead of trying to prevent China’s rise by attacking its companies and blocking its innovations, the US should embrace it. Either way, the country will continue to rise whether America accepts it or not. The international campaign and the domestic ban against Huawei have not prevented the firm from thriving around the globe. On the other hand, China should address some issues such as its commercial malpractices and its human rights abuses. Besides, it should expand legally as opposed to what is currently happening on its Southern Sea. China and the US don’t necessarily have to become allies and agree on everything, but they should respect their differences, acknowledge each other power and always favour diplomatic means to resolve their disputes. Sources: · New York Times, How the Cold War Between China and U.S IS Intensifying · BBC, Should we be worried about the Chinese tech giant? · World Economic Forum, China and the U.S. need to embrace the idea of benign competition. Here’s why

  • The Assassination Allegations that Undermined Indo-Western Partnership

    By Reuben Bye On September 18, Justin Trudeau, Canada’s Prime Minister, announced that he had seen evidence suggesting that the Indian government was responsible for killing Hardeep Singh Nijjar, a Canadian citizen on Canadian soil. He was shot dead by two masked men in his truck outside a Gurdwara (Sikh temple) in suburban Vancouver on June 18 2023. In response to the accusation, Prime Minister Modi declared the allegations “absurd” and “motivated”, and the Indian government has flatly denied any involvement. Hardeep Singh Nijjar and The Sikh State Nijjar was a prominent advocate for an independent Sikh state known as Khalistan in northwestern India. Between 2014 and 2022, he had been accused of multiple terrorist activities by the Indian government, including accusations of leading the Khalistan Tiger Force militants and involvement in killings in India. Nijjar and his lawyers maintained that he was the subject of a smear campaign for political dissent. He claimed to support the Khalistan movement through peaceful means, such as petitions, protests and spreading awareness of human rights abuses against Sikh communities in India. Support for Khalistan was most significant in the 1980s when Sikh militants fought an armed insurgency against the Indian state and have since declined domestically. Amongst the Sikh diaspora, primarily concentrated in Canada, the US, the UK and Australia, support remains significant. This has led to the Indian government accusing foreign governments of not being tough enough on extremist activities, perceiving supporters of this movement as a threat to national security and unity. They have cited lax responses to Khalistani supporters as a potential barrier to good relations. Impact on Indo-Western Relations These new tensions come at a crucial time for Western geopolitical policymakers who view India as a counterweight to China and as America completes its pivot to Indo-Pacific-focused foreign policy. Such accusations put closer economic and security ties with India at risk by forcing Western governments to respond. Should the allegations be false, it would become a serious international embarrassment for the Trudeau government, which is already lagging in the polls with an election on the horizon. But if found to be accurate, the West must find a balance between condemning a gross violation of sovereignty and maintaining good relations with their new partner. At the time of writing, no evidence has been published by Canada, and investigations are ongoing. Such a lack of public evidence is fuelling the idea that this may primarily be an attempt by Trudeau to boost his Liberal Party’s popularity and has been echoed by voices within the ruling BJP party in India and some within the Canadian Conservative opposition. Whilst possible, given the absence of proof, such a theory lacks substance. To levy serious accusations against such a major actor on the world stage is inherently problematic. It risks current and future ties with the planet’s fifth-largest economy (and potential up-and-coming superpower) and entangles Canada’s closest allies. Trade deal negotiations and visa processing for Canadian citizens have been halted, and India has warned its citizens travelling to Canada to exercise caution. Not-So-Perfect Allies Canadian allies— with whom evidence has been shared— have also failed to dismiss the claims. Fellow Five Eyes intelligence network members (USA, UK, Australia and New Zealand) have expressed concern and urged India to engage in the investigation, even if they have stopped short of condemnation. If this was an electoral ploy, then it is doubtful that other governments would risk their strategic ties with India for Trudeau. It has also been confirmed by the American ambassador to Canada that part of the evidence was provided by the USA through the Five Eyes network. While not necessarily confirming the assassination allegations, the combination of real economic cost and wider allied engagement reveals the unlikelihood of vote-grab theories - even if it was, it is yet to show any polling reprieve for the Liberal government. Irrelevant of Nijjar’s killing, the recent spat highlights tensions between India and its Western partners. Western politicians have been eager to overstate their relationship with India— fellow democracies united in a growing rivalry with authoritarian China, a union exemplified by a spate of trade negotiations, Modi’s addresses to the US Congress and the development of the Quad defence partnership. The most profound and stable international partnerships are those based on shared values since states can share long-term visions and build trust. A common threat in the form of China is bound to keep the two close, but a difference in values remains under-recognised. India has long been sceptical of Western claims of global leadership and promotion of liberal democracy, often perceiving the post-war system as one full of neo-colonial dynamics. If the assassination is proven, it would clearly demonstrate a lack of respect for the ‘rules-based international order’ constantly touted by Western leaders. Domestically, too, India does not resemble a liberal democracy. Under the Hindu-nationalist ideology of the BJP, the country has experienced democratic backsliding reminiscent of Hungary or Turkey. India has experienced increased discriminatory policies and a decline in press freedom. At present, it is not the kindred liberal democracy the West may wish to see in either the domestic or international arena. Expectations for the West If Nijjar was assassinated, Western governments would likely be reluctant to react to Canadian concerns due to fears of losing out on lucrative economic cooperation and strategic partnership, but a lack of consequences would encourage future violations of sovereignty, which would undermine international norms. Aggressive Chinese actions will likely cause India and the West to remain close partners, but if the West is serious about upholding its claimed liberal values, it has the prerogative to call out Modi to prevent similar future incidents. Its response is an opportunity to discourage Modi’s more authoritarian instincts by stressing that allies do not kill each others’ citizens as it will hinder relations. If proven, the West should condemn this killing as a gross violation of Canadian sovereignty and highlight the extent to which it values its own principles, even if they are not always shared.

  • Navigating Through Ruin: Evaluating Greece’s Response and Oversight amidst devastation in Thessaly

    By Stathis Poulantzas Positioned in Central Greece, Thessaly, encompassing approximately 14,000 square kilometres, is an agricultural hub, contributing to over a quarter of Greece's grain and a substantial portion of its cotton exports, underscoring its environmental and economic significance to the nation. The recent successive battering by two storms, "Daniel" and "Elias," within a mere month illustrates the alarming acceleration of the global climate crisis, increasingly pressing governments to intensify protective measures against such extreme weather incidents. The Beginning: Storm Daniel’s Devastation To begin with, Storm Daniel caused record-breaking rainfall in Greece on 5-6 September, with a reported 750 mm falling in 24 hours at a station in the village of Zagora. This is the equivalent of about 18 months of rainfall. Many stations in Thessaly, central Greece received 400 to 600 mm of rainfall in 24 hours. The natural catastrophe sadly also resulted in a significant loss of human life, with 17 people killed as a direct effect of the storm. It additionally caused major disasters in neighbouring countries, including Turkey and Bulgaria. But, in the most devastated country of all, Libya, over 10,000 people went missing, entire neighbourhoods in Berna and Al-Bayda disappeared, and communications were interrupted, while electricity fell in large parts of the African state. About three weeks later, a second major storm named “Elias” once more hit Thesally on 27 September. The Greek fire service announced that it had no choice but to move over 3,000 people to protected locations as the weather worsened. Villages experienced flooding, roads were submerged, and schools in many municipalities had to shut down as Greek Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis activated emergency state services and deployed military units to strengthen protections, notably in the northern Thessaly region. To demonstrate the extent of the severity, the European Severe Weather Database (ESWD) reported that a month’s precipitation had occurred in these 24 hours while the storm persisted for a bit more, bringing additional heavy rainfall, hail, and thunderstorms. Environmental and Financial Implications of the Storm Both cases of extreme weather phenomena combined left a significant environmental footprint in the region. More specifically, fruit trees, corn and around a fifth of Greece's cotton crop have been destroyed, and over 200,000 animals and poultry are killed. Additionally, the trees have been infected by bacteria, while most of the water is polluted by numerous chemicals and oil, making the damage further enormous. Most of the crop has been destroyed, and though Greek farmers can replant some crops like cereals and cotton relatively soon, others, such as orchards, cannot easily grow again. In parallel, sheep and goats, which produce most milk for essential Greek products such as Feta cheese and yoghurt, will need more time to be restored. It is worth noting that the environmental devastation has also led to a rapid increase in health problems and sicknesses in Thessaly, for instance, a rise in gastroenteritis and respiratory disease cases. Further, the financial footprint that the storms left is also noteworthy. To showcase the economic consequences of the floods, in the aftermath of just storm “Daniel”, over 70km of roads, 79 bridges and 130 technical works were damaged, whilst issues in the railroad track appeared in 16 points, and around 80 schools were flooded. Academics have estimated that just for the short term, the Greek government will require nearly 5 million euros to resolve the issue. Policy suggestions to be considered by Greece One can understand the urgent need for actions to restore the region and ensure that such a catastrophe cannot be repeated in Thessaly or any other part of Greece. Prime Minister Kyriakos Mitsotakis recently announced in a cabinet meeting that “adaptation to the climate crisis is a fundamental priority in all our policies.” He has already reached an agreement with the EU to receive vital funding to help the devastated areas and recently thanked the Union for “offering Greece the highest possible flexibility to absorb European funds to address this huge natural disaster.” But this is not enough. Though in a difficult period from an economic perspective, Greece needs to provide more funds to build a fortified resilience on Thessaly, as well as other regions which could be immediately threatened by such natural catastrophes, on a long-term basis. Some suggestions could involve spending up to 5 billion euros, as suggested, to rebuild any damaged or destroyed infrastructure, ranging from housing to municipality services to roads and health units, and build them with the ability to absorb large amounts of water pressure. Flood control works also need to increase exponentially in mountainous regions, as according to Mr Kimon Xatzibiros, a professor of Environmental Affairs at the University Kapodistrian University of Athens, the country is still 30 years behind in such works. At the same time, the region should be restored as soon as possible, while people should also be incentivised to remain in the area to avoid a large wave of movement towards the big cities, especially Athens (the capital) and Thessaloniki (the second largest Greek city located in the north of the country). That is because, in such a case, many fields will not be restored, and production will suffer from a significant fall, resulting in devastating environmental and financial consequences. Lastly, Greek forces— especially the military— need to be much more prepared with a clear protocol of actions that they should follow, while they should also respond much faster to the following such a dangerous situation.

  • How has Covid-19 impacted gender equality in business and home?

    As COVID-19 continues to affect lives and livelihoods around the world, we have witnessed the economic consequences of the pandemic having a regressive effect on gender equality. This article will be discussing whether the pandemic could be a catalyst for gender equality, or have the inverse effect of diminishing the cause of equal pay and gender responsibilities regarding family and work. Research has shown that women in the western world generally split household bills equally with their partners and take on the majority of domestic chores, in addition to being primary caregivers. As a result of the pandemic, with schooling being halted, this has consequently left women demotivated and behind on their own business initiatives.At the beginning of the pandemic, working from home potentially meant domestic responsibilities would be split more equally between couples. Studies of working parents’ lives during Covid-19 have shown that a disproportionate share of the burden is actually falling on women[1]. In Australia, the provisional results of a survey by the University of Melbourne suggest that in households with children, parents are putting in an extra six hours a day of supervision, with women taking on more than two-thirds of the extra time. It’s difficult to avoid the conclusion that Covid-19 has the potential to be a catastrophe for equality. Moreover, it seems income is a key factor in exploring how pervasive this dual expectation truly is. Scientists from the universities of Oxford, Cambridge and Zurich during March and April this year showed that working women in the UK, Germany and the US did more childcare across all wage brackets, compared to men with similar earnings. With this in mind, it seems that with the burden of familial responsibilities taken on by women being exacerbated across the spectrum, this will only make it harder to dismantle, and could only be truly addressed with a vaccine and greater economic stability. Research has also shown women are often the ones to give up their jobs due to having lower salaries. For instance, in the EU, women earn an average 16% less an hour than men, while the figure rises to 18% in the US. Women are also more likely to work part-time, largely due to existing family responsibilities. This research tells us that, although the pressures of the pandemic have forced women to perform paradigmatic traditional roles at home, modernity and the demands of society asks them to undertake a financial role too in the running of the household. This dual expectation often leads to complications for equality. Campaign groups such as ‘Pregnant then Screwed’ have drawn attention to issues regarding maternity leave, particularly in the lead-up to the crisis. The group has focused its efforts on the lack of financial support packages awarded to self-employed mothers. With packages for self-employed workers based on average profits per year, this means that periods of maternity leave have largely been dismissed or disregarded. Therefore, with the pandemic seeming to aggravate existing structural flaws, this period should instead be used to resolve these inherent difficulties to order to make unemployment an issue of personal choice, as opposed to a decision forced upon due to a lack of government support. There are, however, indicators of hope for gender equality. Although women are still primarily discharging housework and childcare duties, there is evidence suggesting that men, at least in the West, have increased their responsibilities since Covid-19 hit. This can largely be explored through unpublished research from academics at three Canadian universities, concluding that more than 40% of fathers said they were cooking more, while around 30% reported that they had improved the amount of time they spent on laundry and cleaning. More so, research from these universities also determined that chores within families had become more equally split. There are signs businesses can potentially administer lessons from Covid-19 in order to implement factors that in turn, would foster a working environment that could catalyze the cause of gender equality. Flexibility, for instance, a notion that was not necessarily mainstream before the crisis, has now become pivotal. This will certainly improve how work can be done at home without the added restrictions on time spent commuting, and standard ‘clock-in’, ‘clock-out’ hours. Clearly any discussions within the business community need to dovetail with greater government efforts to lay the foundation for equal opportunities within the labor market. Employment protection laws for those on zero-hour or very flexible contracts, and expanding parental leave opportunities for women as well as men is imperative in order to set the tone for a mutually beneficial work and home environment. An increased level of debate surrounding existing inequalities is an important first step. This should clearly be accompanied at the micro intra-relationship level with ongoing discussions about gender assignment of roles. [1]For instance, researchers from the Boston Consulting Group, which surveyed more than 3,000 people in the US and Europe, found that working women spend an average of 15 hours a week more on unpaid domestic labor than men.

  • Race & Covid-19: Resolution, or Just More Reports?

    “While we have all faced the same storm, we are not in the same boat.” ~ Dr Zubaida Haque, interim director of Runnymede Trust The disproportionate impact of COVID-19 across BAME (black and minority ethnic) communities within the UK is well-documented. The title – “Over-Exposed and Under-Protected” – of one of the best-known reports on the subject is a succinct diagnosis of the relationship between BAME communities and the pandemic. The findings, upon which the title has been created, are quite bleak. The BBC reports that whilst deaths from coronavirus as a proportion of the racial group is roughly matching, the actual deaths in BAME communities far outstrips the predicted deaths, especially among Black African and Pakistani people. In recognition of the disproportionate impact, Public Health England decided to track coronavirus cases by ethnicity. Runnymede Trust’s report finds multiple factors that heighten the various communities’ vulnerability to coronavirus and the negative consequences of the handling of this pandemic. In this article, BAME refers to Black African, Black Caribbean, Chinese, Indian, Pakistani and Bangladeshi people. Furthermore, the various ethnic groups have specific statistics – they definitely should not be treated as a monolith – but have been referred to together within this article due to length constraints. We are aware that workers at the forefront of the pandemic response will be at an extremely high risk of contracting the virus, and BAME individuals are overrepresented within these occupations – more likely to be in occupations that defined them as a ‘key worker’. Furthermore, BAME key workers report that “they were not given adequate PPE”, were more likely to have their safety concerns ignored, and were more likely to be given high-exposure tasks. The confluence of these circumstantial factors and discrimination provides some explanation for the high infection rate among BAME individuals. Runnymede’s recommendation is straight-forward – employers must ensure that adequate PPE reaches all staff that will be in public-facing roles. Since “adequate PPE” is clearly defined by the Health and Safety Executive, employers have no excuse. Regarding infection rate within BAME communities, the report notes that BAME families are more likely than their white counterparts to be living in a household, on average, of four adults. They also found under 18s to be a more common occurrence in BAME households (over half), compared to white households (3 in 10). Crucially, larger household sizes are not accompanied by larger home sizes. In overcrowded living conditions – where self-isolation cannot occur effectively because there are more occupants than rooms – opportunities for virus transmission are higher. Recognising this, Runnymede recommended that symptomatic individuals in overcrowded households should be allowed to self-isolate in empty hotel rooms or in temporary housing facilities, where they are provided access to food and necessary amenities during their recovery. This measure is currently in place for NHS staff and their family members and should be extended to vulnerable people as well. These recommendations address the higher infection risk posed to BAME individuals and, by extension, their household members but do little to address the economic fallout that has resulted from the government’s pandemic response. Like many countries, the UK government chose to tackle the pandemic through the imposition of a lockdown. The economic support measures that were rolled out, have yet to be assessed for their “equality impact”, as pointed out by the Runnymede. The report found lower awareness of initiatives such as furlough scheme, increased benefits, sick pay during self-isolation, among BAME individuals, which they could have used to lower the financial fallout. Whilst over 90% of white and Chinese respondents were aware of almost all relevant schemes, only around 70% of awareness was registered in the remaining groups. The recommendation that followed is to ensure that information was accessible, by providing it in various languages. Also, working with local councils and authorities, who had established relationships with the communities would convey information more thoroughly. Whilst adoption of these recommendations would mitigate against the disparity in coronavirus impact on BAME communities, it is the deep-rooted inequality and institutional racism that requires addressing – particularly in the spheres of health, housing, and employment. I would like to highlight a measure endorsed by Runnymede: increasing affordable, larger social housing. This is a key step in improving social mobility and reducing the economic vulnerability of low-income BAME families/individuals, who are often subjected to poor living conditions and extortionate rent prices in the private housing market. However, what is required, before any short-term or long-term measure can be implemented, is an attitudinal shift from the government. Race on the Agenda (ROTA), a social policy think-tank, raised concerns about the government’s commitment to addressing racial inequalities after they announced the “cross-governmental commission” on the matter. They pointed out that it came alongside Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s aim to “stop the sense of victimisation and discrimination” which suggests a desire to prove the voices of racial justice advocates as false and/or exaggerated. Another concerning aspect is the focus on “wider inequalities” which includes education issues faced by working-class white boys. This approach already suggests a misunderstanding of the issue, since the difficulties faced by working-class white people cannot and should not be equated to the structural challenges faced by BAME individuals. Whilst the pandemic’s interaction with humans has revealed and exacerbated the cracks in our society – particularly along racial lines – the government shows little willingness to accept their part and seek to make meaningful changes.

  • Do movies portray Marital Rape or Sexual Violence?

    Movies are considered as the visual representation of the world that we are living in. No one dislikes watching movies. But do we understand one thing that the audience gets so much engaged in a particular story that they forget the real world? The audience seems to be in a fantasy world where even if the movie shows a controversial story or a morally incorrect plotline, people seem to be okay with it. None of the stories exist in a vacuum and it is the utmost responsibility of the filmmaker, directors, and producers to show something legal, relevant, and acceptable by the audience at large. However, they struggle to strike that balance. Starring Rani Mukherjee and Shadaab Khan in Raja ki Aayegi Baraat directed by Ashok Gaikwad in 1997, this movie was a super hit and was accepted by a wide audience. There was no question raised regarding the story of the movie and how did the filmmaker think of producing such movies. The movie showed the lead hero Shadaab Khan as Raja who is a rapist. He rapes Mala cast by Rani Mukherjee. However, the court ordered Mala to marry Raja. This is a very false representation of the court shown where a vague judgment is given. The same situation and same sort of story were shown in the movie "Benaam Badsha" starring Anil Kapoor and Juhi Chawla. Anil Kapoor as Deepak grows up abandoned and rapes Jyoti portraying Juhu Chawla on her wedding day. However, to a great surprise, Jyoti tries to reform him and as a result, decides to move in with him. Marital rape is something that is still largely untouched by the filmmaker. There are other controversial movies like Provoked and Saath Khoon Maaf which portrayed sexual violence in marriage. Raja ki Aayegi Baraat and Benaam Badshah portrayed an unacceptable story. The place where victims and accused come and seek their trials and bails, how can such movies show that justice has given the order to marry the rapist's victim. To everyone's surprise, the movie portrayed the victim to be agreeing to the fact of marrying her rapist. There was one more South Indian hit movie that was dubbed and remade in Bollywood known as "Tejaswini" which portrayed a similar situation. The question which arises is why didn't these movies show the rigorous punishment of the rapists? Why didn't the filmmaker show the victory of the victim who fought amongst the odds and her rapist leads to imprisonment? The answer to this is we are only focussing on why and not how laws have been amended and repealed. We must agree to the fact that movies in the 70s,80s, and 90s cannot be similar. Controversies and questions might have been raised at that time but as technology is increasing, the mindset of people is changing and movies at present times are quite different and even portray a very strong meaning. Legal Actions Before beginning, the law says "Sex by husband is not rape, it does not matter if it is without consent or forcefully". The word marital rape is having sexual intercourse with own spouse without consent or by compelling or danger. Section 375 of the Indian Penal code is rape. According to the Indian penal Code, marital rape constitutes a punishment of up to 15 years. Marital rape may not have a specific place in the legislature, but IPC has not excluded marital rape from its definition of rape as said in Article 145. Rape along with spousal rape is very much illegal and constitutes 8 years of punishment. There should be an extra-legal step if the rapist agrees to marry the victim which has no specific mention in law till now. Role of Media and Entertainment laws As movies play a very important part in my life, so do the media and entertainment laws. Under Article 19 (1) (A) Film laws in India, such kinds of films should be banned. It guarantees freedom of speech and expression as extended to the press. Thus it is regulated under this constitution. It even falls under the censorship of films as the movies portrayed something offensive. The role of these laws is to protect the freedom of expression, media freedom, and technical standards. Section 4 of the Cinematograph Act, 1952 is the procedure to examine the film before the release. Every movie should be checked along with the storyline before the release. The movies must be made in a way that conveys a positive message and a moral value to be remembered for the rest of life. If any wrong is shown as it was in Raja ki Aayegi Baraat and Benaam Badshah, such movies should have a legal injunction. There might not be any specific section under media or entertainment laws but the Indian Penal Code, Copyright play a very important part. Under the Cinematograph Act, 1952, a person who is found guilty of a violation for exhibiting movies that can violate someone's rights is punishable with imprisonment for a term which may extend to 3 years, or with a fine which may extend to Rs. 1/-lakh, or with both. The Broadcasting Agency should also note or take care about such stories which are portrayed in the movies. Section 5 of the Cinematograph Act gives guidance in certifying films that can be released and shown to the audience. Even the central government has the right to suspend films if it is a violation. Then why not such films? It might be because at those times, there were no strict laws or differences in mindset or people were very less concerned about such things shown in movies and analyzing them with reality. Conclusion Provoked and Lipstick under my Burkha are such movies that showed the ill sides and horror abuse of marital rape where it is merely not a crime in India. Marital rape though constitutes a crime but does not have a mention in the constitution. And this is the advantage which is taken by those criminals in finishing the life of a victim. Any husband can rape a wife who is above 15 years old, then what laws would help her? How will she come out from the dark web? To sum up, such movies must be created which portray the rape victim as fearless and bold and coming out of such thing. The movies must be made in comparison to the old blockbuster hits which showed a wrong thing and hence should portray the victim as a fighter. Law is blind and so are the filmmakers. It's high time now for the legislature to make a strict section particularly for marital rape otherwise such kinds of movies would come out and it must be agreed that it is such a disrespectful thing even for justice as the movies portrayed courts giving this kind of unfair order. 32 countries of the world have not yet criminalized marital rape, amongst which one of them is India. The thing doesn't end here. There have been petitions filed to make marital rape an offense but no actions were taken. A woman filed a petition in 2015, to declare marital rape an offense, but the apex court stated: "law should not change for one woman". In the case of Arnesh Kumar vs the State of Bihar, the court stated that if marital rape is criminalized, the social and family life system will be collapsed. Even if remedies are available for women, marital rape should be criminalized and made a criminal offense such as in countries like Belarus, Belgium, Bhutan, Bhutan, Bulgaria, etc. The UN Committee too recommended that the goverment should criminalize marital rapes.

Screenshot 2022-06-17 at 17.09_edited.png
Screenshot 2024-09-18 at 10.40.23.png
  • Facebook
  • Instagram
  • LinkedIn
  • Twitter

©2022 by Warwick Think Tank

bottom of page